Azazia
10-03-2007, 20:48
The rain had stopped falling upon the cobbled streets and courtyards of the Citadel, the palms providing veils of near-spherical orbs from the water collected upon the leafy greens and coarse raw sienna of the bark. Dirt deserts once dotted only by stalks of green and blooms of yellows, red, and lilac lay submerged beneath a new sea of deep browns. Above, azure skies once pregnant and grey reigned unchallenged and oversaw all the comedies of the circus below. Yet amid all the tent tops in this little corner of the enormous circus was one where the clowns and comics pretended to control the lands and the seas and the skies upon which they existed as but small drops upon a large and complex canvas of colour.
In the Cabinet Room a large mahogany table, its elliptical surface polished to a smooth and reflecting shine, formed the centre of a cadre of men and women who largely controlled the affairs of their fellow men and women--at least those who lived within the borders of their country and their colonies. At the centre of the table sat a lean man with silver-grey hair and a quiet, unassuming smile. Behind him, windows streaked with the remnants of rivers drying under the ever-harsh sub-tropical sun. He wore a charcoal-coloured suit, three buttons and a platinum-coloured vest. Beneath that a finely pressed white silk shirt and an alizarin tie.
'Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, lords and dames,' he began in a same quiet, unassuming voice. 'I should like to thank you for joining me this afternoon to discuss the ramifications of SABAR and how best we can prepare not just Avalon-on-Avon but the broader electorate and lastly the international community, heretofore--along with the public--kept deliberately in the dark. Make no mistake, if word should leak from this room about the treaty, I shall not have your resignation for you shall not have the time to leave it upon my desk.'
He watched intently, aware of his words and their present reaction upon his companions and colleagues. Despite the threat, he kept his smile and they theirs and so he continued. 'I have, as you can all bear witness, invited the chiefs of staff of the Royal Army and the Royal Air Force to join us, in addition to the Secretary of State for Defence, the First Lord, and the First Sea Lord. They are here to address the practical security concerns arising from SABAR and to answer any questions the rest of us may have that pertain to their fields. Are we all agreed to the agenda?'
'Yes, Mr. Prime Minister,' came the common reply.
'Very well then. As you all know, the former administration managed to unnecessarily ripple the sea with several foreign powers. It is my intention, and if I may speak for the Foreign Secretary?' The Prime Minister paused until given a nod by the man in question, 'the Foreign Secretary's intention to bridge these divides for the greater security of the United Kingdom. Gavin?'
The already introduced Foreign Secretary issued another nod and waited until the attention of all present rest upon him. 'Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. As already noted, I and my ministers at the Foreign Office have begun to review the treaties, responsibilities, and other obligations of His Majesty's Government in the international stage and I have recommended to the Prime Minister a series of corrections in the course of this ship of state, if you may forgive the cliche.'
'First and foremost amongst these errors is the rank division between the UK and several other democratic states with whom, while we have numerous and not insignificant differences, remain solidly behind the principles of liberal democracy so treasured here in the UK. While the previous administration did well to instill in the public a feeling of near-hatred of these governments it is the intention of the Foreign Office to remedy those errors. This all, of course, must be done very quietly lest public pressure impede the actual negotiations of all such treaties. SABAR is just one of those treaties.'
'All present have already been briefed upon the evolving document, but, for those in need a brief abstract that remains classified is included in the folder we all received upon entering this room. Nonetheless, it is the opinion of the Foreign Office that SABAR will allow the United Kingdom and His Majesty's Government the breathing room necessary for further, more public discussions between the involved powers. The treaty, if and when ratified, would present us with guaranteed security--'
The Foreign Secretary paused at the scoff of the Defence Secretary. 'I do indeed hate to interrupt, Gavin, but I daresay that such a statement as that is a broad oversimplification of the facts. The facts are that such "realignment" would leave us with an impotent guard force for one of our most rapidly growing colonies. While the budget is tight,' the room glanced at the new chancellor who offered a broad and smug smile in reply, 'there can be no denial of the desperate conditions in which the men fight not just our enemies but to survive. Avalon-on-Avon has neither the proper equipment nor the proper rations to effect proper reconnaissance and surveillance missions. Make no mistakes, we are overstretched and that--'
'That, Quentin,' the Prime Minister interrupted, is another issue for another meeting of the Senior Cabinet. 'Before us is more directly the impact of SABAR upon security considerations.'
'Well, for starters, Mr. Prime Minister,' Sir Quentin Sterling responded with a blushed face. 'I should say that the consequences for the colony would be quite dire. The RAF and Royal Army would be stripped of most of their resources--'
'Their forces would be realigned,' the Foreign Secretary interjected to the harsh scowl of the Defence Secretary. 'This treaty neither caps nor even eliminates any number of military personnel in the whole of the armed forces but rather seeks to limit their deployment in a geographically restricted area.'
'And in such a vast and remote location that, sir, is tantamount to stripping Defence of the tools we need to defend ourselves in that theatre.'
'I would concur with the Defence Secretary,' a younger goateed man echoed. 'The Royal Navy too is expected to witness significant cuts that will undoubtedly leave us incapable of defending the colony let alone the neutrality of the island. Say what you will about the other branches of the military, but the Royal Navy has been, is now, and always will be the first line of defence. To so severely degrade our capabilities in that theatre is not tantamount to surrender, it is an abject capitulation.'
At the end of the First Lord's statement the room descended into managed chaos, various members and persons whispering, then talking, then near-shouting until reaching a crescendo topped by the unusually loud call to order by the Prime Minister.
'There can be no mistake that this treaty is significant. We have near three hundred warships currently stationed in that colony alone. Four hundred aircraft and at least four divisions.'
'Five, sir,' the Defence Secretary corrected.
'Very well, five. The point is that for a population of a few dozen million the ratio of service personnel to citizens is not only out of line with the rest of the empire but is financially insolvent at the level of local sustainability.' The Prime Minister paused to withdraw from his set of papers a single paged document, the texture of the paper smooth and the colours of the tables and graphs bright and vivid in contrast to the greys, blacks, and browns of the suits arrayed around the table. He looked up and nodded to a tall, thin man with brown hair. 'Rodger has the details of the financial aspect of garrisoning Sarnia.'
Rodger Livingstone offered a slight smile and a tilt of his head in deference to the Prime Minister. As Chancellor of the Exchequer he held the pursestrings of the Treasury and was in some respects the protege of the Prime Minister--except for that Livingstone had contended against the current Prime Minister Rodney Ingrahm, the appointment an appeasement and gesture of conciliation. Regardless of his personal differences he attended his duties and laid upon the table several brightly coloured charts and graphs.
'As one can see, the Treasury has appropriated significant funding for Sarnia where concerned with the Royal Armed Services. Approximately 42% of these funds doled out to the Royal Navy alone. Among the projects listed are the construction of a facility for the handling of some of these extremely large boats called,' Livingstone paused as he scanned through some lines of figures, 'ah, yes, supercapitals,' he said, pronouncing the last word carefully as if learning a foreign word for the first time. 'That project alone is expected to consume £62.7 million over the following six years. According to the latest report by the Royal Navy's own intelligence service and corroborated by the Royal Intelligence Service there are no other forces with such types of boat in Sarnia nor expected to be permanently based in Sarnia. The cost of stationing such a boat will be at least several hundred million pounds annually--more if it is used frequently on operational sorties. Coupled with the presence of two entire fleets as well as coastal patrol boats, we will be at near two billion pounds annually for the upkeep and maintenance of the naval forces in Oceanian Sarnia. I ask you, Mr. Noskovic, what threat do we face in that theatre that requires such a significant force? As I would posit that the astronomical cost is itself a graver threat to the financial security of the United Kingdom.'
Radovan Noskovic let his long, tapered fingers drum quietly and steadily upon the polished surface of the table. His steely, spartan gaze fell upon the whole of the table upon all of the faces. 'Indeed, Mr. Livingstone, the Royal Navy currently has plans to position such massively capable deterrents in Sarnia because from Sarnia we can more easily reach and strike our potential enemies. Of course, it may also be possible to review current contingency plans in light of SABAR and, if ratified, perhaps even review deployment plans. But as long as the treaty remains unratified we have one potential enemy in theatre and as such the Royal Navy will make preparations and plans for conflict with that enemy. Only when ratified, and most importantly only when proven viable, will the Royal Navy begin to scale back its presence at Port Royal and St. Ives. Bring me a signed treaty and I will initiate a review of plans. But until then, we must keep a decisive presence in Sarnia.'
For his part, Ingrahm watched stony-faced. Noskovic's nuanced answer provided him with the opening he could use--and he knew that Noskovic knew just as much. With the Admiralty separate from the Ministry of Defence both Noskovic and Sterling often had to compete for precious pounds from Livingstone's purse. Thus far, Sterling's intransigence on the issue had been predicated on support from the Admiralty. However, Livingstone's subtle suggestion that funding for supercapitals could be axed had worked just enough to provide the first crack, the first wedge Ingrahm could use between the two.
'While the Admiralty might well be off the hook from SABAR, the elimination of the primary--indeed, perhaps only--naval threat in the region does not qualify as the elimination of the secondary threats to the remainder of the Royal Armed Services.' Sterling too had seen Noskovic's ploy and leaned forward, pushing his own documents onto the table and onto the front-burner. 'We have some evidence that the continuing troubles to the south of Pavanne in Thames River are increasing. Riots and strikes have become endemic and the local government has watched police and military units simply walk away from the protests in solidarity with the protesters. We are watching the emergence of a new threat to regional stability, a new threat to the colony, a new threat to the United Kingdom. We must keep forces in the colony to prevent instability from spreading.'
'That, sir, is a ridiculous claim.' From near the end of the table, a distinguished gentleman with distinguished grey hair and a distinguished grey suit added to the fray in a distinguished fashion. He was Viscount Thomas Cahill, a former member of the Salisbury government appointed to the House of Lords so as to be able to serve in the capacity as Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs. Sarnia fell under his portfolio. 'We have stability in Sarnia, especially so on the western borders where we have the communists clamoring about the evils of Oceanian capitalism. And, as I recall, sir, there are no significant numbers of forces deployed along our western border--they are all to be found on the southern border with an enemy who, so far as I know, never prattles upon about the intrinsic evilness of Oceania.'
'That, Viscount,' Sterling quickly retorted, 'is because for every hundred bloody tribesmen with pitchforks they send against us we can respond to with a battle tank or a gunship or a strike aircraft. I worry more about the southern silence than the western wailing.'
'Suffice to say, Mr. Defence Secretary, having just last week spoken with Sir Basil, the governor of Sarnia, he personally expressed a great deal more concern about the western border than the southern. Nevertheless, despite the chaos to the west of the colony, the civil war raging upon the other side of the border, mining and development and settlement continued unabated and unaffected by the turmoil and instability. The current level of violence in Thames River, while dreadful, is not likely to impact the colony in any widespread and substantive manner. This of course,' he added, now more so addressing the Prime Minister and the Cabinet than the Defence Secretary, 'is entirely conditional on the level of instability remaining at or near its current level for the foreseeable future. Should an unanticipated event lead to a spike in violence my assessment could be wholly inaccurate.'
'And so why not plan for that contingency,' Sterling hammered. 'Shall we put the lives of Oceanians in jeopardy simply because it is politically or financially expedient?' He threw a sidelong glance at the chancellor to underline his point.
'The fact of the matter, Sir Quentin,' Livingstone replied, 'is that the resources we spend on maintaining that massive RAF presence could be used instead to improve the infrastructure and thereby the economy of the colony. Management of inflation would be necessary, but by creating competition we see wages rise and thus consumption and thus standard of living and by the end we have a rock-solid, stable colony.'
'I thought the colony was already stable and prosperous?' Sterling responded, looking at the Colonial Secretary.
'More solid and more stable,' Cahill parried, 'just to clarify, Chancellor,' he added in deference to Livingstone.
'WIth respect to all that has been stated,' the Prime Minister finally chimed, 'I think we can agree to several key points that should serve as the common ground for the consensus that shall underpin this decision. First, while threats undoubtedly exist, none are a pre-eminent and immediate threat to either the United Kingdom or the colony. Second, the long-considered primary threat of the colony, especially in light of their own recent troubles and concerns with elements of the broader international community, likely sees Sarnia as a backwater and a more-or-less secure outpost drawing resources only because of the United Kingdom. Third, the stationing of our own forces to counter theirs is a significant drain on the Treasury. Fourth, there exist emerging threats that long-term may necessitate the armed services providing a stabilising effect on the continent. Fifth, from the statements of the Ministry of Defence, the Royal Navy, the Foreign Office, and the Colonial Office, the defence against the primary threat comes at the expense of guarding emerging secondary threats.'
'Therefore,' Ingrahm continued without a pause despite worried looks from the chiefs of the armed forces, 'I would propose that this government push forward on SABAR and secure ourselves from the primary threat to allow us to better mass our forces against those threats the empire faces today and to allow the colony to develop and hone our forces remaining in theatre to prepare for those long-term threats. This may mean the repositioning of Royal Navy assets away from Sarnia as well as those of the RAF and the Royal Army. For the immediate future, none of this shall entail reducing the size of the armed forces, but repositioning those forces selected for realignment for a much more rapid response to those more immediate threats. I feel I must stress this fact, Quentin and Radovan, there shall be no cuts in the armed forces for now. But in the coming years, if this treaty is indeed ratified as it seems it shall, you will be forced to reposition your forces and I would like both the MoD and the Admiralty to begin drawing up repositioning plans forthwith. Is that clear?'
'Yes, Prime Minister,' responded the chorus, now knowing the decision had been made. Indeed, after a few more minutes of pleasantries and then an afternoon tea, the Cabinet broke up and in silence each person returned to their office to begin drawing up plans and responses.
In the Cabinet Room a large mahogany table, its elliptical surface polished to a smooth and reflecting shine, formed the centre of a cadre of men and women who largely controlled the affairs of their fellow men and women--at least those who lived within the borders of their country and their colonies. At the centre of the table sat a lean man with silver-grey hair and a quiet, unassuming smile. Behind him, windows streaked with the remnants of rivers drying under the ever-harsh sub-tropical sun. He wore a charcoal-coloured suit, three buttons and a platinum-coloured vest. Beneath that a finely pressed white silk shirt and an alizarin tie.
'Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, lords and dames,' he began in a same quiet, unassuming voice. 'I should like to thank you for joining me this afternoon to discuss the ramifications of SABAR and how best we can prepare not just Avalon-on-Avon but the broader electorate and lastly the international community, heretofore--along with the public--kept deliberately in the dark. Make no mistake, if word should leak from this room about the treaty, I shall not have your resignation for you shall not have the time to leave it upon my desk.'
He watched intently, aware of his words and their present reaction upon his companions and colleagues. Despite the threat, he kept his smile and they theirs and so he continued. 'I have, as you can all bear witness, invited the chiefs of staff of the Royal Army and the Royal Air Force to join us, in addition to the Secretary of State for Defence, the First Lord, and the First Sea Lord. They are here to address the practical security concerns arising from SABAR and to answer any questions the rest of us may have that pertain to their fields. Are we all agreed to the agenda?'
'Yes, Mr. Prime Minister,' came the common reply.
'Very well then. As you all know, the former administration managed to unnecessarily ripple the sea with several foreign powers. It is my intention, and if I may speak for the Foreign Secretary?' The Prime Minister paused until given a nod by the man in question, 'the Foreign Secretary's intention to bridge these divides for the greater security of the United Kingdom. Gavin?'
The already introduced Foreign Secretary issued another nod and waited until the attention of all present rest upon him. 'Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. As already noted, I and my ministers at the Foreign Office have begun to review the treaties, responsibilities, and other obligations of His Majesty's Government in the international stage and I have recommended to the Prime Minister a series of corrections in the course of this ship of state, if you may forgive the cliche.'
'First and foremost amongst these errors is the rank division between the UK and several other democratic states with whom, while we have numerous and not insignificant differences, remain solidly behind the principles of liberal democracy so treasured here in the UK. While the previous administration did well to instill in the public a feeling of near-hatred of these governments it is the intention of the Foreign Office to remedy those errors. This all, of course, must be done very quietly lest public pressure impede the actual negotiations of all such treaties. SABAR is just one of those treaties.'
'All present have already been briefed upon the evolving document, but, for those in need a brief abstract that remains classified is included in the folder we all received upon entering this room. Nonetheless, it is the opinion of the Foreign Office that SABAR will allow the United Kingdom and His Majesty's Government the breathing room necessary for further, more public discussions between the involved powers. The treaty, if and when ratified, would present us with guaranteed security--'
The Foreign Secretary paused at the scoff of the Defence Secretary. 'I do indeed hate to interrupt, Gavin, but I daresay that such a statement as that is a broad oversimplification of the facts. The facts are that such "realignment" would leave us with an impotent guard force for one of our most rapidly growing colonies. While the budget is tight,' the room glanced at the new chancellor who offered a broad and smug smile in reply, 'there can be no denial of the desperate conditions in which the men fight not just our enemies but to survive. Avalon-on-Avon has neither the proper equipment nor the proper rations to effect proper reconnaissance and surveillance missions. Make no mistakes, we are overstretched and that--'
'That, Quentin,' the Prime Minister interrupted, is another issue for another meeting of the Senior Cabinet. 'Before us is more directly the impact of SABAR upon security considerations.'
'Well, for starters, Mr. Prime Minister,' Sir Quentin Sterling responded with a blushed face. 'I should say that the consequences for the colony would be quite dire. The RAF and Royal Army would be stripped of most of their resources--'
'Their forces would be realigned,' the Foreign Secretary interjected to the harsh scowl of the Defence Secretary. 'This treaty neither caps nor even eliminates any number of military personnel in the whole of the armed forces but rather seeks to limit their deployment in a geographically restricted area.'
'And in such a vast and remote location that, sir, is tantamount to stripping Defence of the tools we need to defend ourselves in that theatre.'
'I would concur with the Defence Secretary,' a younger goateed man echoed. 'The Royal Navy too is expected to witness significant cuts that will undoubtedly leave us incapable of defending the colony let alone the neutrality of the island. Say what you will about the other branches of the military, but the Royal Navy has been, is now, and always will be the first line of defence. To so severely degrade our capabilities in that theatre is not tantamount to surrender, it is an abject capitulation.'
At the end of the First Lord's statement the room descended into managed chaos, various members and persons whispering, then talking, then near-shouting until reaching a crescendo topped by the unusually loud call to order by the Prime Minister.
'There can be no mistake that this treaty is significant. We have near three hundred warships currently stationed in that colony alone. Four hundred aircraft and at least four divisions.'
'Five, sir,' the Defence Secretary corrected.
'Very well, five. The point is that for a population of a few dozen million the ratio of service personnel to citizens is not only out of line with the rest of the empire but is financially insolvent at the level of local sustainability.' The Prime Minister paused to withdraw from his set of papers a single paged document, the texture of the paper smooth and the colours of the tables and graphs bright and vivid in contrast to the greys, blacks, and browns of the suits arrayed around the table. He looked up and nodded to a tall, thin man with brown hair. 'Rodger has the details of the financial aspect of garrisoning Sarnia.'
Rodger Livingstone offered a slight smile and a tilt of his head in deference to the Prime Minister. As Chancellor of the Exchequer he held the pursestrings of the Treasury and was in some respects the protege of the Prime Minister--except for that Livingstone had contended against the current Prime Minister Rodney Ingrahm, the appointment an appeasement and gesture of conciliation. Regardless of his personal differences he attended his duties and laid upon the table several brightly coloured charts and graphs.
'As one can see, the Treasury has appropriated significant funding for Sarnia where concerned with the Royal Armed Services. Approximately 42% of these funds doled out to the Royal Navy alone. Among the projects listed are the construction of a facility for the handling of some of these extremely large boats called,' Livingstone paused as he scanned through some lines of figures, 'ah, yes, supercapitals,' he said, pronouncing the last word carefully as if learning a foreign word for the first time. 'That project alone is expected to consume £62.7 million over the following six years. According to the latest report by the Royal Navy's own intelligence service and corroborated by the Royal Intelligence Service there are no other forces with such types of boat in Sarnia nor expected to be permanently based in Sarnia. The cost of stationing such a boat will be at least several hundred million pounds annually--more if it is used frequently on operational sorties. Coupled with the presence of two entire fleets as well as coastal patrol boats, we will be at near two billion pounds annually for the upkeep and maintenance of the naval forces in Oceanian Sarnia. I ask you, Mr. Noskovic, what threat do we face in that theatre that requires such a significant force? As I would posit that the astronomical cost is itself a graver threat to the financial security of the United Kingdom.'
Radovan Noskovic let his long, tapered fingers drum quietly and steadily upon the polished surface of the table. His steely, spartan gaze fell upon the whole of the table upon all of the faces. 'Indeed, Mr. Livingstone, the Royal Navy currently has plans to position such massively capable deterrents in Sarnia because from Sarnia we can more easily reach and strike our potential enemies. Of course, it may also be possible to review current contingency plans in light of SABAR and, if ratified, perhaps even review deployment plans. But as long as the treaty remains unratified we have one potential enemy in theatre and as such the Royal Navy will make preparations and plans for conflict with that enemy. Only when ratified, and most importantly only when proven viable, will the Royal Navy begin to scale back its presence at Port Royal and St. Ives. Bring me a signed treaty and I will initiate a review of plans. But until then, we must keep a decisive presence in Sarnia.'
For his part, Ingrahm watched stony-faced. Noskovic's nuanced answer provided him with the opening he could use--and he knew that Noskovic knew just as much. With the Admiralty separate from the Ministry of Defence both Noskovic and Sterling often had to compete for precious pounds from Livingstone's purse. Thus far, Sterling's intransigence on the issue had been predicated on support from the Admiralty. However, Livingstone's subtle suggestion that funding for supercapitals could be axed had worked just enough to provide the first crack, the first wedge Ingrahm could use between the two.
'While the Admiralty might well be off the hook from SABAR, the elimination of the primary--indeed, perhaps only--naval threat in the region does not qualify as the elimination of the secondary threats to the remainder of the Royal Armed Services.' Sterling too had seen Noskovic's ploy and leaned forward, pushing his own documents onto the table and onto the front-burner. 'We have some evidence that the continuing troubles to the south of Pavanne in Thames River are increasing. Riots and strikes have become endemic and the local government has watched police and military units simply walk away from the protests in solidarity with the protesters. We are watching the emergence of a new threat to regional stability, a new threat to the colony, a new threat to the United Kingdom. We must keep forces in the colony to prevent instability from spreading.'
'That, sir, is a ridiculous claim.' From near the end of the table, a distinguished gentleman with distinguished grey hair and a distinguished grey suit added to the fray in a distinguished fashion. He was Viscount Thomas Cahill, a former member of the Salisbury government appointed to the House of Lords so as to be able to serve in the capacity as Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs. Sarnia fell under his portfolio. 'We have stability in Sarnia, especially so on the western borders where we have the communists clamoring about the evils of Oceanian capitalism. And, as I recall, sir, there are no significant numbers of forces deployed along our western border--they are all to be found on the southern border with an enemy who, so far as I know, never prattles upon about the intrinsic evilness of Oceania.'
'That, Viscount,' Sterling quickly retorted, 'is because for every hundred bloody tribesmen with pitchforks they send against us we can respond to with a battle tank or a gunship or a strike aircraft. I worry more about the southern silence than the western wailing.'
'Suffice to say, Mr. Defence Secretary, having just last week spoken with Sir Basil, the governor of Sarnia, he personally expressed a great deal more concern about the western border than the southern. Nevertheless, despite the chaos to the west of the colony, the civil war raging upon the other side of the border, mining and development and settlement continued unabated and unaffected by the turmoil and instability. The current level of violence in Thames River, while dreadful, is not likely to impact the colony in any widespread and substantive manner. This of course,' he added, now more so addressing the Prime Minister and the Cabinet than the Defence Secretary, 'is entirely conditional on the level of instability remaining at or near its current level for the foreseeable future. Should an unanticipated event lead to a spike in violence my assessment could be wholly inaccurate.'
'And so why not plan for that contingency,' Sterling hammered. 'Shall we put the lives of Oceanians in jeopardy simply because it is politically or financially expedient?' He threw a sidelong glance at the chancellor to underline his point.
'The fact of the matter, Sir Quentin,' Livingstone replied, 'is that the resources we spend on maintaining that massive RAF presence could be used instead to improve the infrastructure and thereby the economy of the colony. Management of inflation would be necessary, but by creating competition we see wages rise and thus consumption and thus standard of living and by the end we have a rock-solid, stable colony.'
'I thought the colony was already stable and prosperous?' Sterling responded, looking at the Colonial Secretary.
'More solid and more stable,' Cahill parried, 'just to clarify, Chancellor,' he added in deference to Livingstone.
'WIth respect to all that has been stated,' the Prime Minister finally chimed, 'I think we can agree to several key points that should serve as the common ground for the consensus that shall underpin this decision. First, while threats undoubtedly exist, none are a pre-eminent and immediate threat to either the United Kingdom or the colony. Second, the long-considered primary threat of the colony, especially in light of their own recent troubles and concerns with elements of the broader international community, likely sees Sarnia as a backwater and a more-or-less secure outpost drawing resources only because of the United Kingdom. Third, the stationing of our own forces to counter theirs is a significant drain on the Treasury. Fourth, there exist emerging threats that long-term may necessitate the armed services providing a stabilising effect on the continent. Fifth, from the statements of the Ministry of Defence, the Royal Navy, the Foreign Office, and the Colonial Office, the defence against the primary threat comes at the expense of guarding emerging secondary threats.'
'Therefore,' Ingrahm continued without a pause despite worried looks from the chiefs of the armed forces, 'I would propose that this government push forward on SABAR and secure ourselves from the primary threat to allow us to better mass our forces against those threats the empire faces today and to allow the colony to develop and hone our forces remaining in theatre to prepare for those long-term threats. This may mean the repositioning of Royal Navy assets away from Sarnia as well as those of the RAF and the Royal Army. For the immediate future, none of this shall entail reducing the size of the armed forces, but repositioning those forces selected for realignment for a much more rapid response to those more immediate threats. I feel I must stress this fact, Quentin and Radovan, there shall be no cuts in the armed forces for now. But in the coming years, if this treaty is indeed ratified as it seems it shall, you will be forced to reposition your forces and I would like both the MoD and the Admiralty to begin drawing up repositioning plans forthwith. Is that clear?'
'Yes, Prime Minister,' responded the chorus, now knowing the decision had been made. Indeed, after a few more minutes of pleasantries and then an afternoon tea, the Cabinet broke up and in silence each person returned to their office to begin drawing up plans and responses.