NationStates Jolt Archive

Vice Foreign Affairs Minister Wen Jinbao has invited Depkazian and Combine representatives to Beijing to discuss a peaceful solution to the Afghanistan conflict.

The conference will take place in four days time in the Parliament building in Beijing.

The national media was full of praise for the nuclear test ordered by Chingiz Khagan, and even the few privately-owned local papers that chose to deal with the story were at least leaning towards the positive, though it had to be said that most were run by hangers-on to the Chingiz-lead elite and were glad simply to be allowed to operate under this young new ruler. None dealt with the second, failed test, nor with rumours that these were old Soviet-era bombs that represented most of Depkazia's arsenal and that the Turkic People's Republic was still unable to independently build its own devices from scratch.

Everybody held-off on reporting Belgrade's plan to return Depkazi MiGs, which Tchokareff sent to Bulgaria for refurbishment only for them to be impounded when he tried to associate himself with the Holy League, Chingiz afarid that China may block their return, humiliating his administration because it would mean that Beijing were choosing to put Combine interests ahead of Depkazia's.

Chinese Turkic troops in eastern Depkazia were getting a lot of attention, local officials given friendly incentives to bestow honorary titles on their officers, and communities to invite the troops to join games and events as guests and brothers. The Turkic People's Republic's motto, extoling the virtues of Turkic unity, would be read and heard almost as often as the call to prayer, which rang again through the mountains almost for the first time in eighty years.

Noyan Rakhmonbaatar, titled by his Khagan, flew to Beijing aboard an An-26. Chingiz himself was unwilling to leave a Depkazia that he'd only just siezed, and wasn't overly flattered by the invitation of a vice-minister. Rakhmonbaatar, on the other hand, was swelled with nationalist pride, the first to receive the appointed title noyan since Chingiz came to power, his given name -Rakhmon- gloried by an addition that identified him as a hero, apparently for his part in leading coup-members in fighting at Fargona and the advance on Andijon.

So far as he was concerned, Rakhmonbaatar was the enthusiastic representative of the Turkic People's Republic, which had just ripped-out the creeping roots of the Holy League, restored Islam, detonated a nuclear weapon, claimed several victories over Pashtun forces in Afghanistan, reactivated Depkazi claims to Kazakhstan, and demonstrated a willingness to stand toe to toe with rivals of world-class power and importance. There was in the newly titled man little fear over his nation's numeric inferiority next to its three primary neighbours, of its landlocked position, of the possibility that two of those neighbours would associate themselves at Depkazia's expense, of the youth of its administration, or of the violence in neighbouring Afghanistan.

That said, the Noyan had a particular mission, and one which seemed quite out of the recent character of his people.

[OOC: no time to post, but the Combine sends a delegation]

Exuding the typical Combine mix of flamboyance and cool confidence, the Armandian delegation arrives in their infamous garishly green, hydrogen powered jet. The speakers blasted old Disco tunes, and the delegation stepped out wearing crisp black suits, emerald ties, and stylish black sunglasses. They held all the cards in this showdown, or so they thought anyhow, and this was reflected in the list of demands they presented to the Depkazi diplomat. It was of course released bit by bit during the ever so polite niceties of diplomatic chatter, but the bare bones list of demands looked something like this:

-Depkazi recognition of Armandian claims to the Caspian (same as Iranian ones in RL, by the way)
-A cessation of hostilities towards the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan
-An end to the discrimination against the Pashtun people
-The return of Towraghondi to the DRA
-The guarantee of safety for a Sino-Armandian pipeline
-Recognition of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

The Combine was also attempting to woo the Chinese on the side, with their main tool of seduction being the potential Afghani pipeline. Such a pipeline would satiate China's energy needs for the near future, and cut the cost of oil to China by several degrees. Additionally, Armandian engineers are eager to install solar and wind power plants in China (these produce far less energy than say, nuclear or fossil power, but are also cheap and environmentally friendly) as well as expand Chinese nuclear infrastructure. Unlike the case of Dra-Pol, all of this would be done for a price, but the offer was still an attractive one. The Combine also is curious as to whether the Chinese would be willing to share their technical expertise and advanced technology for the production of air craft...

Wen Jinbao held his tongue, silently agreeing with Armand's diplomatic stance but wanting to hear out the Depkazian representatives before announcing China's stance. The combine was by far the more important to China in political and economic terms, but Depkazia stood to be a nice thorn in Russia's side. It would have been best for China if she could buy resources from both central Asian nations and thus Wen was not keen to offend the Depkazian representative.

Wen had also heard that Emperor Zhang had not taken reports of ethnic cleansing in Afghanistan well and had taken a few hours leave while on his Washington trip to visit his old chapel. He had heard from Li Mei that he was having a crisis of conscience, believing that his decision to sponsor Chingis had lead to the events in Afghanistan.

(Long post coming up, sorry, I had a lot of time to burn!)

The Depkazi representative felt the rising in his belly of the force that could make a hero laugh or strike as he regarded the Combine's list of demands, but as a faithful and newly religious man he was able to spare those assembled the chance to find out which. To begin with, Rakhmonbaatar ignored the Armandian presentation.

Mentioning the help of the Chinese People's Republic in Depkazia's 'revolution', he made time to thank General Chang by name for his part in directing the operation. The Turkic People's Republic wished to present an appealing front to the man it saw as China's number two by referencing Depkazi grievances with the Holy League and their own former ruler at any opportunity. After all, China was run by individuals, not a collective entity like the modern Combine.

Still ignoring Combine belligerence, Noyan Rakhmonbaatar now drew comparison between Tchokareff and The Higher One, both exiled in the Holy League, representative of the real threat that Depkazia and Armand faced in common.

Samarqand did not appear to view the Beijing conference as simply an Afghan-centric meeting, but as an opportunity for international relations at large.

Eventually, he would talk on Afghanistan. The proposed pipeline, he said, laughing, was indication of all parties' importance to one another. "Through the whole width of Badakhsan, not to mention Baghlan! You all know, of course, that this will never happen without Depkazi influence!"

Rakhmonbaatar talked on, but eventually came back to that issue. "Greater Bactria -ah, Ta-Hsia, to students of Zhang Qian, and Sima Qian's records-" he said with a nod, "...is clearly a Depkazi sphere, and, apart from anything else, is not going to be stable until the terrorists there are driven out and foreign meddling is ended.

"Then, perhaps, it shall be worth talking about pipelines."

There was always a temptation to focus on the Combine's support of the unpopular communist authority in Afghanistan, but that was best kept in-theatre, and on their hardly compatible economic system as it relates to China, and the Noyan many times had to consciously stop himself from refering to Armand as the split kingdom to emphasise its weaknesses. Representing an increasingly pious nationalist society ruled by a king of kings, Rakhmon had a demanding task in treating the Combine as a civilised partner, but he was under orders from the Khagan, the greatest man to live in eight hundred years, and so he struggled through.

"What do you really want, my neighbours? Stability through much of Afghanistan so as to build pipelines to fuel a hungry Chinese economy isolated from the fuels and other resources of the Russias and anarchist Latin America and buy the world-power status of Armand? Lofty prizes to be won in such a little and isolated place!

"But Bactria is rightly and shall again be Depkazi. Five or six million people, most of them Depkazi Muslims, across almost one hundred and fifty thousand square kilometres. We want national, cultural, and spiritual unity for our people, who have never really recovered from the invasions and imperialism of the mid nineteenth century and all that followed.

"Pipelines and pumping stations can be damaged and destroyed, but an idea of nationhood, centuries of culture, and something so strong as the Islamic faith not so easily... nor can they be absorbed by a society such as the Combine without bursting it open. Depkazia may seem to be small and weak next to China and the Combine, but you see that our roots are buried deep under the feet of the people and wrapped around the bases of the mountains. An attempt to beat us in Afghanistan would see the creepers running under the foundations of a society like the Combine, and so you will excuse me if I do not play the part of the intimidated party when presented a list of demands."

As the Noyan spoke, the route of the proposed pipeline ran under intense fighting between the large Rabbani militia and the North Pakistanis as a Depkazi force recoiled on its haunches and prepared to pounce.

Soon, though, Rakhmonbaatar moved on. "...and I am authorised by the great and holy lord Chingiz Khagan to discuss the proper shape of Afghanistan." he said, with a strange emphasis. Depkazia, you see, does not consider the northern provices (of Faryab, Jowzjan, Balkh, Samangan, Kunduz, Takhar, Badakshan, and Baghlan) part of Afghanistan but of the historical Depkazi Khaghanate to which the Turkic People's Republic was successor. They didn't think of the country's Depkazis as Afghani, reserving that name for the Pashtun and the many minorities. Places like Towraghondi were under attack because they were just too close to Depkazia, and too easy to hit, and because chaos outside of Bactria was previously desirable.

The rest of Afghanistan, it seemed, was in truth of little interest to Depkazia (with one exception- the delegate would mention Bactrian Gold at one point, indicating that the treasure should be tracked-down and returned to the north), and Samarqand may be prepared to recognise the Democratic Republic of Afganistan as legitimate outside of Bactria. It might be better than allowing the Indians in- if the INU held sway, then the Soviets could march straight in through them, likely find more commonality with the DRA than could the Combine itself, and carry on to Depkazi territory if the mood took them.

So far, then, Noyan Rakhmonbaatar had indicated that Depkazia might recognise the DRA, though its extent was yet unclear, and that the Sino-Armandian pipeline, never mind it's safety, wouldn't even be built without Samarqand's co-operation, which could come after the realisation of the Khagan's aims in Bactria. There was even the possibility of Depkazi co-operation on oil and gas development across the whole region, benefiting the three nations.

The Turkic People's Republic actually wanted to move towards co-operation with both Constance and Beijing, just not as a minority partner. Depkazia didn't want to be seen as useful merely because it was a pawn against Russia, but because it had potential influence in the Islamic world, and the Turkic generally; lay on a strategic economic route; and was a buffer for China against the incursion of various communist influences. Plus, as they had been demonstrating in the desert and in Afghanistan, they had a formidable NBC arsenal to compensate for increasingly aged conventional weapons.

The Southern Confederacy hopes that good things come from these talks.

China may have been run by individuals, but it was also a democracy. That was something the Depkazis had clearly overlooked; freedom of the masses may not have mattered to tyrants like Chingiz, but it was certainly a concern for the Chinese voter. Thus the Combine's diplomatic squadron opened with a heartfelt appeal to the Chinese sense of idealism.

"Let it be remembered that the world does not belong to the whims of a few individuals but rather to the will of the people. It is the common man who deserves to choose the world's fate, not the crowned tyrant who cloaks himself in barbaric superstition. In the end, Mr. Rakhmonbaatar, freedom will prevail."

"We hope you remember that well."

The threat of the Holy League was dismissed outright; the Higher One and his kin had been exiled nearly half a century ago, and the League which sheltered them would soon crumble in the face of a massed Progressive assault. The League was laughed at as a negligible threat, and the Depkazis reminded that the Combine was not so foolish as to buckle under cheap fear mongering.

(What was of course unmentioned was the fact that the League represented a major source of oil revenue for the Armandians, while Depkazia was a competitor in that regard.)

When the talk turned to Afghanistan, the Combine expressed irritation and cut off the Depkazi diplomat.

"Our pipeline does not run through Baghlan; instead it moves through Parawan. As for Badakhsan..."

The diplomats grinned with the ferocity of a predator.

"...we can deal with that."

The room stared in silence for a moment, leaving the threat hanging in the air, and then the diplomats cheerfully moved on.

"We have no intention of absorbing Depkazis into the Combine; such an effort would take centuries, and possibly corrupt the very foundations of our culture. We understand and respect the might of the Depkazi nature, and also recognize its incompatibility with ours. But assimilation is not our goal; the DRA is clearly seperate in culture and government from our land. They embrace the faith of Islam and understand the Afghani people, for they are, after all, Afghans and not Armandians. The DRA is not part of the Combine, but rather part of our...sphere of influence, you might say. We are surprised and pleased by your willingness to concede so much of Afghanistan to the Democratic Republic, and thus we shall make a new offer. Recognize the remainder of Afghanistan that is not Depkazi as Afghani, withdraw from Towraghondi, and allow us to build our pipeline through Badakshan, and we shall have peace in Afghanistan."

"We have not heard your opinion on the Caspian, however."

[OOC: The Combine will likely only exercise actual control over what it controls now and the proposed route of the pipeline in the near future, but having Depkazi consent to potential future expansion might come in handy.]

They sound like children. Rakhmonbaatar thought. Are they serious? But, again, he said nothing as the Armandians appealed to Allah only knows who with some spiel about freedom in a discussion about war, empire, and, in the company of capitalists, economy, and all from the perspective of comformist automatons, so far as he could see. His eyes rolled a little as the Armandians quibbled about the distance of a few minutes march or ride on the position of their pipeline on the still violently disputed southern border region of President Burhanuddin Rabbani's East Bactrian domain, but only did that as he had managed to keep from rolling his wrist to hurry them along to a more interesting point.

The Depkazi's shoulders jumped a little as he failed to fully contain a momentary urge to laugh over the Combine's reference to Badakhshan. He again failed to say anything, but this time it was because he really couldn't, having only moments earlier spoken on the utter absurdity of Combine domination in Bactria, the Wakhan Corridor most of all. Besides, for now, he didn't know whether it would be hours or weeks before the Turkic People's Army Air Force struck the Pakistanis and saved Rabbani, sending a louder message than he could hope to.

"I am authorised to recognise the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, but Samarqand holds deep reservations on some related issues. Anti-terrorist operations in northern Herat must be completed as a matter of state and cultural security, but I am confident that this mission is nearing conclusion, and the province can soon be trusted to DRA control now that their weak authority has Combine support."

Make note to their inferior draw in the great game, but recognise their own merits, very good... he thought, as he basically conceeded to a withdrawal from Towraghondi, all be it on a Depkazi timetable.

"...And, we continue to worry that Afghanistani communism has a Soviet legacy that may more easily mesh with that of India's Commonwealth, and an ethnic composition more familiar in India's National Union than in the Armandian Combine. Since the Democratic Republic will share a border with the INU, which in turn shares one with the Soviet Commonwealth, is Constance suitably assured that the stabilisation and communisation of Afghanistan will not open the door to Indian influence?

"Or..." he said, shooting a glance to his Chinese hosts, "...does the Combine intend to throw its lot in with that of the Soviets, down the line?"

The Noyan had in his mind's eye a picture of the Soviets' military bases in South East Asia, of which the Chinese must be aware thanks to the Phlippines situation, and of a Chinese state with a closed northern border watching communism's approach now from the west as well as the south. The middle kingdom had ranted and lashed-out at perceived attempts to encircle it in the past, so it was surely at least worth poking at that nerve in the course of discussion.

Rakhmonbaatar was in no rush to open the Caspian debate before bleeding dry the Afghan stone, and under firm orders to make sure that he had as much control over the pace of conversations as the parties that he was obliged to consider Depkazia's equals, whether they agreed with him or not.

(OOC: In reality, Iran is the only state advocating division of the Caspian into five equal sectors. When you say, "same as Iranian ones in RL" does that mean that you claim only Iran's 1/5th, or the 2/5ths that would come from a joint Iranian-Azerbaijani claim (though Azerbaijan doesn't use the same system to make its claims)? Needless to say, Samarqand will scoff at either (though any surrender of Azerbaijan's claims would score points with the Khaghan) because... ah, well, I suppose I should leave that for a future IC post, in which you can expect more thread-pulling from the Depkazis :) )

[OOC: An explanation of some of the Combine's...eccentricities seems to be in order.

The appeal to democracy is done for the benefit of the Chinese, and is indirectly a counter to the appeal made towards Chang by the Depkazis. The Combine is trying to subtly tell the Chinese that the opinions of their voters weigh in more than the opinions of one general, while at the same time threatening Depkazia.

Secondly, the Combine mindset is very much one based around orderly rules and ideas; what are invisible province lines to some are impenetrable, sacred boundaries to the mind of a collective, organic machine. The Depkazi diplomat unknowingly (or perhaps knowingly) insulted the Combine deeply by insinuating that the boundary between Depkazi and DRA turf wasn't somehow divine. Yes, it's irrational, but it makes life more interesting. :)

We currently claim 2/5, but would likely be willing to bargain it down to 1/5. And if Chingiz doesn't like it, well, we have plenty of cruise missiles with his name on 'em.

Ah, and by the way, I must make it clear that the curt and rude tone of the Combine is purely IC, and that I hope that all insults and such are being made only in that realm. =) ]

The Combine's delegation raised their eyebrows at Rakhmonbaatar's incredulous looks.

"Do you find something amusing about freedom, Mr. Rakhmonbaatar? This is the reason we're in this, after all. We're not greed inspired conquerors," they said, with a "like you" left unheard but still implied.

The Depkazis had forgotten that ideology was a major motivator for the Combine; war, empire, and economy were all closely tied to the abstract concepts of freedom and revolution in their eyes. Thus a "spiel about freedom" was not only appropriate but even necessary, at least in the Combine's view.

"We understand that you think our domination of the Wakhan corridor is an impossibility. I assure you that you are mistaken. We don't need local support to maintain a defense along the pipeline, and if we are opposed, we won't have any problem wiping out the opposition. If that means razing the entire province of Badakshan to the ground and slaughtering every last Depkazi in the province then so be it."

The unspoken threat was of course the much rumored Combine developed "ethnic bioweapon", which may or may not have been real, but was certainly a disheartening prospect.

"But we'd rather it not come to that. We are willing to agree to your proposal under two added conditions: you allow our pipeline to run through Badakshan, while you maintain claim to that territory, and you desist in your persecution of the Pashtun. We are willing to take them into DRA territory, but we will not allow them to be massacred any longer. They have done your people no harm and do not deserve this punishment."

The diplomats glared under their dark glasses when the issue of the Soviets was brought up. They were visibly discomforted by the Depkazi's well calculated ploy, but managed to wait for him to finish before responding.

"It appears that your knowledge of history and political systems is lacking, good sir. Afghanistan's Communists have never had the support of the Igovians; their Leninist-Marxist roots never meshed well with the Bedgellens' anarchist tendencies. It was we who saved the failing regime when the USSR abandoned it---a USSR you were part of, may we remind you---and it is we who have slowly brought their economic and political systems in synch with ours. They never had very close ties with Beth Gellert and certainly do not fall under their sway now. Constance is very much assured that Igovian influence will not extend too deeply into Afghanistan."

"Bah!" Rakhmonbaatar shouted the sound, rising suddenly and banging his meaty palm on the surface infront of him. The Armandians had just threatened genocide against his people, a heathen crusade in Bactria, and the Noyan's fists were up.

The burly Turkic warrior stared for a moment at the Combine delegates, fixing them with a look that seemed intended to boil them in their own blood, and then swept his bushy Depkazi chapka from the table as he stormed out of the room.

(Of course, the Turkic People's Republic contained the Soviet Union's largest bio-weapon testing facility, the institute of virology, and a centre for prophylaxis and quarantine of most hazardous diseases, along with the chemical research institute, three research reactors, the facility that produced the uranium for the USSR's first nuclear bomb, the world's largest uranium production centre, and strategic ballistic missile motor and other component production facilities, and had been testing the product of many of these on captured Pashtun, but it was neither the point nor something that would be openly admitted or delivered as a threat without like provocation.)

Rakhmonbaatar paced the halls, snarling and grunting at anyone who looked twice.

(OOC:Yeah, nothin personal ;) )

"Mr.Rakhmonbaatar, we urge you to calm down. By no means do we want to cause such conflict---such spillimg of human blood is always horrible and regretful. All we ask is that we be granted safe passage for our pipeline. We do not demand control of Badakshan, although if you do remain stubborn we will take it. We see no reason why you should resist such an offer of peaceful cooperation, especially since you could make a profit by providing security and collecting rent on the leased land."

(The pace of this RP is astonishing, will post tomorrow when I've digested all these posts!)

"Mr.Rakhmonbaatar, please stay. You may be pleasantly surprised by China's proposal."

Wen Jinbao weighed all the facts as he considered his report for Emperor Zhang - it would have been one voice out of three as for once it seemed likely that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would not be involved in a shouting match with the rather abrasive General Chiang. Mr Wen had been taking notes throughout the whole conference, speaking little, and preparing China's initial statement. General Chiang will also read the notes soon and probably agree with Wen's report.

Depkazia had been unpredictable in the past - even General Chiang was starting to waver in his support for Chingis, and the recent nuclear test was an absolute shocker. On the other hand Wen thought the nuclear test would have made the Russians think twice about any campaign in Kazakhstan. A loose-cannon and unpredictable maniac like Chingis would have been a perfect counter to Tsar Wingert's rational and cautious approach. Especially if they developed the means to hit, say, Moscow with a nuclear weapon in the near future, but nobody would have even considered something this barbaric and murderous except Chiang.

Economically, the pipeline from the Combine would have been essential to China's future ambitions. China and the Combine stood to gain a lot from this, and Beijing would no longer have to worry about appeasing United Elias or Russia as the Spratlys oil fields gradually approached the end of their working lives. Ideologically, Wen noted that China had common areas with both the central Asian powers, but was concerned about the closeness of the Combine with Beth Gellert - Every geopolitical analyst in the country believed that the friendliness between the two nations currently would last as long as Emperor Zhang. Whereas Depkazia was isolated and lonely, Chingis would be able to be "removed" with relative ease and the nation stood no chance militarily if the worse case scenario eventuated.

Another factor also surfaced in the recent weeks - North Pakistan also posed a threat to the pipeline, and this would have to be dealt with.

"Afghanistan," Wen stated. "is inhabited by people of all ethnicities. To persecute any one minority on the basis of race is unacceptable to Beijing, and any ethnic cleansing must be immediately ceased.

That said, we believe the Turkic minorities in the North of Afghanistan will not survive for long under an Afghani Communist goverment and will be subjected to revenge attacks and retaliation. Thus we propose a provincial referendum in which North Afghanistan is allowed to choose their own destiny free from any foreign influence. Beijing will be sending observers, and we will also invite a neutral third party to oversee the entire process.

However, we would like the Southern portion of Baghlan, Takhar, and Badahkshan up to China's border to become a demilitarised neutral zone in order to establish a buffer between the two countries." Wen said, obviously not mentioning the fact that it was for the protection of the pipeline.

"Please tell me your thoughts before I discuss the issue of the Caspian."

[OOC: I'll post later, but let it be noted that the Combine is not really friendly with the Bedgellens...We've had rivalry and animosity for centuries, and each of us views the other as a main competitor for leadership in Leftist circles. Plus, we have a very developed sense of ideological competition, with the Combine advocating unity and conformity and the Commonwealth advocating more anarchist versions of Leftist theory.]

The Soviet invasion has thrown the equation into disarray; we must adjust to restore the proper balance, mulled the Energy Minister, the black spheres drifting in her brown milk tea...

-Beijing, China-

While the Combine was far less pleased with having a nuclear capable loose cannon running amuck on their northern border than the Chinese apparently were, they shared the Chinese worry about North Pakistan, and agreed with the notion of common ideological bonds. (Depkazia was still, after all, a socialist economy to some degree, although it practiced the old inefficient Soviet model rather than the more efficient Combine or, although the Armandians would be loath to admit it, Igovian model.)

"We agree completely with the Chinese proposal; however, we have two key points to add. First, we accept the Depkazi withdrawal from Towraghondi, and the DRA has ceased military action against that city. Second, the Chinese point about Turkic minorities not being treated well in a Communist regime is potentially valid---as is the fact that Pashtun minorities will not be treated well in Depkazi controlled Afghanistan. Therefore, we propose that all Pashtuns be relocated to the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan."

At the same time as the three way talks occur, Armandian officials quietly request to speak to Chinese diplomats in a seperate room on the issue of Bihar.

When Noyan Rakhmonbaatar returned, he dispatched staff to the Depkazi embassy.

In Towraghondi, Depkazi forces were beginning to displace their still secret chemical mines and some of the other devices, and army-organised demolitions work ceased as engineers began to pull back under a rapidly lifting and retreating artillery and rocketry screen. The minority forces of religiously motivated Turkic fighters remained, however, and kept-hold of their AKMs and RPGs. It was entirely possible that others -non Depkazis- may yet come to associate once more with the Depkazi minority outside Bactria, if things continued as they were presently moving, to fight the communists.

For now, though, ethnically-defined fighting on the fringes of Bactria made it less likely in the short-term.

In Beijing, the Depkazi delegate again snorted at Armandian threats. The idea of their taking Badakhshan and doing anything useful with it still seemed to him quite absurd. They'd be fighting the Taliban, Dostum, Rabbani, the Turkic People's Republic, and possibly the North Pakistanis, far from home in near impossible terrain and against religious and ethnic motivation. Perhaps they could do it with the Chinese, but turning it into a war for the survival of the Depkazi nation would give even Beijing a serious headache at least, and take pressure off a Russia that until how had felt its hands tied against helping the Holy League elsewhere. Not to mention what might happen in Pakistan and India. No, no, Depkazia still had plenty of credit at this table, the Noyan was sure.

Still, repopulation. Was Samarqand actually being offered help in this?

"My Khagan agrees with the international assesment of ethnic disquiet on the crossroads between our lands. This, he feels, is a legacy of Anglo-Russian imperialism in the nineteenth century, which both of your peoples have felt for themselves, of course.

"It has taken many years and many lives for the Depkazi people to make this much progress in rebuilding the ancient Khaganate and recovering our religious freedom. Bactria is at last struggling back to its feet, the fertile province between east and west, and we do not wish Afghanistan's strife to once again become Bactria's.

"As the people have been shifted by confusion created by empires in the past, so today, with the Russians cowering in the snow and the English a dim flicker of their former selves, we should enable people to return to their ancestoral homes. Afghanis to Afghanistan, Depkazis to Bactria."

Though something would probably come-up to dampen the mood, as was the way in that part of the world, the Depkazis were fairly excited about the possibility of pushing out Afghanis (Pashtuns) without having to conduct a war of obliteration against them.

"None here can speak for all Afghanistan, no matter who may recognise DRA legitimacy. Certainly the Taliban and others have no cause to submit to communist forces they have defeated in the past, and our estimates suggest that they have more than twenty-thousand full-time fighters, hardened by battle and sharing the faith of the Depkazi.

"Samarqand can not encourage Afghanis to leave Bactria for Talbian-controlled Afghanistan while claiming to recognise the Democratic Republic, of course. So we must hope that they will be accepted in the west, where Combine support prop... erm, is strongest with the DRA. If the empty expanses of the southwest, infested though they may be with opponents to the communist authority, can be made to contain a place for Afghanis stranded in Bactria to go, then we can send them by the hundred.

"And we invite Depkazis in the DRA to give-up their opposition and come home to Bactria, as we invite others to abandon the Taliban areas.

"By this we intend to stop the violence in Bactria, to bring long-term stability along this Depkazi road between Armand and China. We would also be ending ethnic Depkazi opposition within the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, as it would cease to be a Turkic fight. We can not by any of this stop Taliban or other Pashtun resistance to the communists, but it could be a small step towards stopping Depkazi-Pashtun conflict in the Bactrian borders". Which of course means, 'close to the proposed pipeline route' "...and it would mean that Depkazia had chosen to send Bactrian Pashtun to the DRA, not to Taliban territory."

It may appear that Depkazia's refound spirituality, at least at the top, is opportunist rather than sincere, as the TPRD planned to stop fighting the Pashtun but started talking about dealing with the communists before the Taliban. But, well, the Taliban didn't have much pull in Beijing, did they?

-Towraghondi, Afghanistan-

As Depkazi forces withdraw from the city, Communist ones begin to surround it. Checkpoints are erected, and a tight noose is wrapped around Towraghondi. The barrier of men and metal that forms around the city is impenetrable, unless the remaining religious fighters manage to mount a truly impressive military strike. Knowing that the Depkazis were notoriously untrustworthy, Communist Afghani generals don't move into the city immediately, fearing booby traps and ambushes, and instead issue a warning. Military operations will begin in 72 hours, and all civilians are told to evacuate through Combine controlled checkpoints before then. Obviously, many opponents of the Armandian supported Communist regime could easily slip through as long as they kept their heads down during inspection, but the offer of bribes in exchange for the names of fighters, along with the fanatical willingness of Islamist fundamentalists to fight, is hopefully enough to stem this tide.

Elsewhere in Afghanistan, Armandian forces continue their advance in Ghor, moving into the north and closer to Depkazi territory, while an additional ten thousand men are dispatched into Nimruz in the south.

-Beijing, China-

The Depkazi snort is met by the bizarre sight of a collective Combine snort. The Depkazis underestimate the power of ideology, and the simple human yearning for freedom. Ethnic bonds are strong, yes, but the human instinct to seek a peaceful and prosperous life free from the brutal insanity of black turban wearing, whip wielding religious police is powerful as well. Besides, even if the Combine was forced to face the entirety of Afghanistan, Depkazia, and North Pakistan alone, it remains confident it could achieve victory. Thus they continue the discussion feeling confident and at ease, like a poker player holding all the right cards...or thinking he had all the right cards, anyhow.

"Excellent. We would love to offer the Pashtun people a home in one of the joint Afghani-Armandian Local Cooperatives. While most areas within the Democratic Republic are unfortunately still impoverished---although they are still far more prosperous than the rest of Afghanistan---we do have several key nodes of prosperity which are equivalent to Combine living standards. These joint Armandian-Afghani Cooperatives are models for future Afghani success, and we will gladly welcome the Pashtun people to take part in building a better future for their nation."

(The Armandians had much more in mind for the repopulation scheme than they revealed at the conference, but that was kept under wraps.)

"Speaking of the future prospects of Afghanistan...you have not replied to the Chinese proposal for a neutral buffer zone, defended by Chinese troops. This is essential to forming any sort of deal; what say you?"

Wen Jinbao motioned to one of his aides. Since the combine was already here, we may as well talk about Bihar as well, he thought. Unfortunately, none of the foreign affairs ministry had any spare personnel - it would have to be one of General Chang's men. Sighing, he picked up the phone and paged him. That General had too much influence outside his own defence department.

A few minutes later, a tall man wearing sunglasses and dressed in a Versace suit that wasn't put on properly entered the room and shook hands with the combine delegate. He greeted them in accented Arabic (OOC: Please correcy me if I'm wrong.)

"My name is Huang, from the Ministry of Defence. It is a pleasure to meet with you and discuss...Bilhar"

As this took place in the room next door, Wen Jinbao coughed lightly and asked the Depkazian delegate again.

"So as I was saying, China's proposal involves setting up a neutral buffer zone..."

OOC: I'm putting together a response here, but have one or two other things to be doing, so it'll be done later on, mainly I wanted to say that I'll be using the Regime Change thread to deal with further fighting in Afghanistan, if that's okay.