NationStates Jolt Archive


Depkazia

Depkazia
25-03-2006, 18:41
This is the homepage for Depkazia in AMW... which is kinda the only Depkazia there is, but I didn't want to put a big unfriendly keep-out sign for everyone else

Depkazi Men of All Countries, Unite!

http://www.nationstates.net/images/flags/uploads/depkazia.jpg

Depkazia, a Central Asian domain of deserts and seas, plains and mountains, has reinvented itself countless times. Today it exists as the lead state in a growing Khalifate that incorporates several former Afghan states as the Beylik Bactria, and has recently toppled the North Pakistani government of Mustafa Shareef.

The ambition of young Khalīfah Chingiz Khagan Depkazi, Amir al-Muminin, Malik ul-Mugāhidīn, Lord of the City of Samarqand and of the Cities of Osh, Talas, Toshkent, Kesh, Bishkek, Andijon, Farg'ona, Djizak, Khavakend, Margilan, Namangan, Karmana, Nukus, Nasaf, Rishdan, Dushanbe, Asbara, Termiz, Āmul, Bukhara, Karakol, Balasagun, Istravshan, Khujand, Jalalabad, and of the Port City of Krasnovodsk, and of the Twin Cities of Merv and Mary, and the Three Cities of Aşgabat, Nisa, and Konjikala, and Master of Tamerlane's Gate extend far beyond even these achievements. Balochistan and the Vale of Kashmir are, it is said, all but ready for incorporation into the domain of young Chingiz and his legions of followers.
Depkazia
25-03-2006, 19:02
Depkazi Geography

Depkazia lies in Central Asia (Mid Asia in local parlance), across desert, plains, and sky-scraping mountains, landlocked to the ocean but bounded by the resource-rich Caspian and the troubled Aral Sea. When including the former North Pakistan, the Khalifate borders the Armandian Combine, Afghanistan, China, Russian-occupied Kazakhstan, Kashmir, and the Indian National Union.

Area: Approximately 1.6 million sq.km
Highest Point: K2 8,611m
Terrain: Low mountains along the border with Armand, flat and rolling sandy desert interspaced with river valleys in the northwest, peaks and valleys in the east
Climate: Subtropical and midaltitude desert in the west, midaltitude continental and semiarid to polar regions in the east, semiarid grasslands in mid northern regions, mostly hot summers and mild winters except where influenced by altitude extremes
Natural Resources: Hydropower, petroleum, natural gas, coal, uranium, gold, silver, copper, tungsten, molybdenum, mercury, lead, zinc, antimony, sulfur, salt
Depkazia
25-03-2006, 19:09
Depkazi Economics

Tchokareff had strong beliefs about traditional Depkazi industries and how they ought to be maintained, which made sure that both agriculture and heavy industry continued to feature heavily in the national economy with little sign of transition towards a more service-based environment, which the former premier viewed as weak, and certainly not in keeping with the Depkazi lifestyle.

His son, Chingiz, has made slightly greater efforts to attract foreign investment, especially from China, but has met with relatively little success in an increasingly unfriendly political climate.

Much economic control remains with central government, but some private firms are starting to form in the country, Samarqand trying to limit corruption in a relatively gradual process of limited privatisation... except where it specifically serves the premier's agenda.

Energy Production: Lead by hydropower, backed by oil and natural gas and, to a lesser degree, coal, though Samarqand has recently declared plans to pursue nuclear energy as a primary partner to hydroelectical energy, and has a fairly advanced programme incorporating three Soviet-era research reactors. Hydropower schemes are expanding, and more facilities are planned in Pakistan.
Agricultural Products: Cotton (one of the largest producers on earth), grain, tobacco, potatoes, vegetables, grapes, fruits, berries, some fish, sheep, goats, cattle, wool, opium (unofficial)
Industries: Natural gas, oil, petroleum products, hydroelectricity, gold, rare earth metals, textiles, food processing, chemicals and fertilizers, cement, metallurgy, small machinery and machine tools.
Oil Consumption: 280,000 bbl/day
Oil Production: 285,000 bbl/day
Exports: Natural gas, electricity, gold, uranium, mercury, aluminium, cement, textiles, cotton, tobacco, declining quantities of crude oil and petroleum products

Depkazia's oil and gas reserves are significant, existing both on-shore and in the Caspian Sea, but their true scale is as yet unknown, with Samarqand engaging foreign firms to aid in exploration and assessment. Disputes with Armand and Russian-controlled Kazakhstan continue to hamper exploitation of potentially gigantic resources in the Caspian.

Cotton production continues to cause problems with water distribution and soil quality, but Tchokareff would not consider switching to other crops, owing to issues of tradition, control, and potential earnings. Improving water distribution systems are helping, and Chingiz appears willing to allow at least a partial switch towards other cash crops.

Depkazia is keen to become a major exporter of electricity produced by hydropower and nuclear plants, replacing the rapidly declining importance of oil exports in the Khalifate's economy. Natural gas exports are also planned to endure as an important part of the economy, and Depkazia may eventually attempt to profit from its experience in fossil fuels, hydropower, and nuclear science.
Depkazia
25-03-2006, 19:15
Depkazi Government

Serving as both head of government and chief of state is, of course, President Chingiz, Emperor Depkazi the First, Commander of the Faithful and Successor of the Prophet of the Lord of the Universe, King of the Strugglers, Khan of Khans.

The government is based at Samarqand, and the premier spends much of his time at famous Registan.

Beyliks exist in Bactria, run locally by Beys Rashid Dostum and Burhanuddin Rabbani, and Samarqand is seeking to establish a third Bey in Pakistani Kashmir. These rulers and their lands are subject to federal authority from the Khalifate's seat in Depkazia which pursues major economic policy but allows autonomy in local issues. The future of the larger parts of North Pakistan's population and their administration is as yet unclear.

International Disputes

Former premier Edmund Tchokareff currently lives in Catholic Europe, exiled after the coup lead by his son (Chingiz) that succeeded while he was attending a summit in Rome. It is likely that the member states of the Holy League will continue to back Tchokareff's unpopular government in exile over the administration of Khalīfah Chingiz Khagan Depkazi.

Samarqand opposes the Russian invasion of Kazakhstan, and in fact claims the nation as part of the Khaganate and the Caliphate. Russia is considered an enemy.

The Khaganate does not officially recognise the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China, and refers to the territory as East Turkestan, or sometimes Chinese-Occupied Turkestan. The Turkic People's Republic may be in contact with opposition groups and terrorist organisations in Xinjiang.

Depkazia refuses to open relations with the Armandian-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.

The Turkic People's Republic has not concluded boundary agreements over the Caspian Sea with either the Armandian Combine or the Russian Empire, and continues to actively contest all attempts at commercial operation by foreign elements in large parts of disputed territory here. Depkazia's claim includes much based upon the assumption of Kazakhstan as rightfully part of its territory, and disputes with Armand are founded partly in the arguably obsolete legacy of the previous administration's claim to Depkazia's successor-status following the collapse of the USSR.

Since the incorporation of North Pakistan into the Caliphate it is believed that official claims are to be made upon Kashmiri territory, probably including the Vale of Kashmir and possibly all of Jammu and Kashmir, but the status of such claims is yet unclear and unofficial.

It is possible that the Caliphate has ambitions in the northwestern states of the Indian National Union, and Depkazia certainly is engaged in major smuggling operations through Balochistan.

Samarqand has voiced open opposition to the invasion of Indonesia by Strainist and Indian forces, though it is notable that relations with the Indonesian government have never been strong.

Depkazia's claims mean that Samarqand's potential enemies include all of the landlocked nation's ocean-adjacent neighbours, as disputes exist either actively or potentially with Russia, China, Kashmir, Armand (and the DRA), and the Indian National Union.

Government maps exist depicting all Kazakhstan, the Vale of Kashmir, and Xinjiang as part of either the Caliphate or the Khaganate, along with perhaps 90% of the Caspian Sea. Independently-produced maps have also shown all of Jammu and Kashmir, Afghanistan, Balochistan, Punjab, Islamabad, and Sindh within the borders of the Caliphate, along with some other parts of China in which Turkic or Muslim populations have been prominent prior to the Sinoese relocations and exterminations.
Depkazia
25-03-2006, 20:30
Depkazi Khaganate Khalifal Defence Association Co-ordinat
Regular manpower: 480,000
Irregular manpower: 567,500
Over-all manpower: 1,047,500
Branches (and manpower assigned [plus irregular force augmentation]):
The Grand Fleet of Indefatigable Popular Maritime Force (10,000 [2,500]) 12,500
The Holy People's Army Aeronautical Battle Force (65,000 [5,000]) 70,000
Counter Skies Unit of People's Territorial Defence (5,000 [10,000]) 15,000
The Holy People's Army Ground Forces (400,000 [550,000]) 950,000

Depkazia fields some of the largest military forces in the region, and sinks a huge portion of national energy into supporting these forces, in part because of Russian Christian-motivated expansionism and the proximity of such large states as that bear and the Chinese dragon, not to mention the Combine and now the Indian National Union, but in the main because it is upon his armies that rests the power of the premier. As a result, military pay is reasonably good compared to that of other state-sector workers.

As the USSR survived in Kazakhstan and Depkazia for a couple of years after its collapse elsewhere, the General thought to have been father to Tchokareff -and whom he over-threw to take power after the final dissolution of the Union- was able to secure much equipment and some production technologies, helped in the effort by Depkazia's place on the road to the Afghan front. Depkazia has some equipment that would surprise observers by its modernity, and has a lot of equipment, but there are major flaws in the distribution and uniformity of types. Where an excess of one weapons system may exist, there is a clear strategic lack of another whole category of hardware.

Long-mothballed MiG-29s were recently shipped to Yugoslavia for refurbishment, and there are plans to distribute older machines to potential allies in and around Central Asia if the likes of Fencer and Flanker prove to be sustainable by cooperation with foreign firms or governments.

Holy People's Army Ground Forces Equipment

9x18mm Makarov Automatic Pistol
9x18mm Thompson SubMachine Gun
5.45x39mm AKS-74U SubMachine Gun
7.62x39mm AKM(S) Assault Rifle
7.62mm Muhannad Assault Rifle
5.45x39mm AK-74(S) Assault Rifle
7.62x39mm RPK(S) Squad Automatic Weapon
5.45x39mm RPK-74(S) Squad Automatic Weapon
7.62x54mm Dragunov SVD Sniper Rifle

7.62x54mm PK(M) General Purpose MachineGun
7.62x54mm Vickers General Purpose MachineGun
12.7x109mm DShKM Heavy MachineGun
14.5x114mm KPV Heavy MachineGun
AGS-17 Automatic Grenade-Launcher
AGS-30 Automatic Grenade-Launcher

RG-6 Grenade Launcher
RPG-7 Anti-Tank Rocket
RPG-16 Anti-Tank Rocket
RPG-29 Anti-Tank Rocket

AT-2 Swatter-C Radio-Guided SACLOS ATGM for Mi-8 and Mi-24
AT-3 Sagger SACLOS ATGM
AT-4 Spigot Wire-Guided SACLOS ATGM
AT-5 Spandrel Wire-Guided Vehicle-Mounted SACLOS ATGM

82mm B-10 Recoilless Rifle
107mm B-11 Recoilless Rifle

80x 100mm T-12 Anti-Tank Gun

82mm 2B9 Automatic Mortar
82mm 2B14 Mortar
132x 120mm 2S12 Sanyi Trailed Mortar

263x 122mm 2A18M D-30 Towed Howitzer
120x 122mm M-30 Towed Howitzer
154x 152mm M-55 D-20 Towed Gun-Howitzer
208x 152mm 2A65 M-1987 Towed Gun-Howitzer

133x 122mm 9K51 BM-21 Grad Multiple Rocket Launcher
107x 140mm RPU-14 Multiple Rocket Launcher
60x 220mm 9P140 Uragan Multiple Rocket Launcher

66x 120mm 2S9 Anona Self-Propelled Howitzer/Mortar
52x 122mm 2S1 M-1974 Gvodzika Self-Propelled Howitzer
32x 152mm 2S3 M-1973 Akatsiya Self-Propelled Gun-Howitzer
32x 152mm 2S5 Giatsint-S Self-Propelled Gun-Howitzer

UAZ-469 Jeep
GAZ-51 4x4 Truck
GAZ-66 4x4 Truck
GAZ-69 4x4 Truck
ZIL-131 6x6 Truck
ZIL-157 6x6 Truck
TATRA T813 8x8 Truck

GAZ-3937 4x4 Multi-Role Vehicle

224x BTR-60 8x8 ACP
310x BTR-70 8x8 ACP, BTR-70KShM C&C vehicle, BTR-70MS Communications vehicle, BTR-70Kh Chemical Reconnaissance vehicle, BREM ARV
270x BTR-80 8x8 ACP, BTR-80K Command APC
240x Hotspur Hussar 6x6 APC

304x Type 63 YW 531 APC

990x BMP-1 ICV, BMP-R Reconnaissance vehicle, BMP-1K Reconnaissance Tall Mike radar version, BMP KShm Command vehicle
522x BMP-2 ICV
110x BMD-1 AICV, BRehM-D ARV, 1V118 Reostat Artillery Observation Post with Tall Mike radar, BTR-ZD tows ZU-23-2 and carries MANPAD missiles
10x BMD-2 AICV

316x T-34/85 Medium Tank
205x T-55AM2PB Medum Tank
396x T-62M Main Battle Tank
840x T-72 Main Battle Tank

300x ZPU-4 14.5mm AAA
250x 23mm SU-23 AAA
46x 57mm S-60 AAA
43x KS-30 130mm AAA
44x 23mm ZSU-23-4 Shilka SP-ADG

1,450x SA-14 Gremlin Strela-3 MANPADS
368x SA-18 Grouse Igla MANPADS
48x SA-9 Gaskin Strela-1M 9M31M Self-Propelled Short-Range SAM
65x SA-13 Gopher Strela-10 9K35 Self-Propelled Short-Range SAM
50x SA-8b Gecko Osa Self-Propelled Short-Range SAM
48x SA-6b Gainful Kub Low-Medium Altitude SAM (12 batteries)

Counter Skies Unit Equipment

125x Surface-to-Air Missile Systems
-SA-2 Guideline V-75 Medium-High Altitude SAM defending cities, military bases, important facilities
-SA-3 Goa S-125 Low-Medium Altitude SAM deployed with SA-2 to protect against low-level attacks
-SA-5 Gammon S-200 Long-Range SAM dealing with command and jamming aircraft

Aeronautical Battle Force

23x Mi-6 Hook Heavy Transport Helicopter
120x Mi-8 Hip Multi-Role Armed-Assault/Transport Helicopter (various configurations)
14x Mi-17 Hip-H Multi-Role Armed-Assault/Transport Helicopter
146x Mi-24 Hind Assault Helicopter/Gunship (various marks)

10x An-14 Clod Light Transport Aircraft
30x An-3 Colt Light/Utility Transport Aircraft
8x An-28 Light Transport Aircraft
14x Il-14 Light Transport Aircraft
32x An-12 Cub Medium Cargo/Transport
18x An-26 Curl Light Transport
5x Il-18 Transport Aircraft

8x Il-28R Reconnaissance Plane
9x L-39ZO Reconnaissance Plane

5x Il-28 Electronic Warfare Platform

32x Zlin 142C Primary Trainer
108x YaK-52 Primary Trainer
21x L-29 Delfin Basic-Jet Trainer
121x L-39(C/ZA) Albatros Basic-Jet/Weapons Trainer

95x Su-17 Fitter Fighter-Bomber
14x Su-22M-4 Fighter-Bomber
34x Su-24 Fencer Fighter-Bomber including reconnaissance version
60x Su-25 Frogfoot Attack Fighter

12x IL-28 Bomber

100x MiG-21 Fishbed Point-Interceptor/Attacker
64x MiG-23 Flogger Point-Interceptor/Attacker
114x MiG-29 Fulcrum Point-Interceptor
24x MiG-25PD Foxbat-E High-Altitude Interceptor
24x Su-27 Flanker Interceptor/Air-Superiority Fighter
Lunatic Retard Robots
11-04-2006, 02:03
tag

My, Shareef better watch out!
Lunatic Retard Robots
17-04-2006, 00:33
I'm sorry for that extremely unhelpful comment.

Anyway...if you're looking to get rid of any of those MiG-29s, Shareef would love to have some. He's got 28 coming from UE already, and would no doubt like some more to solidify his almost complete technological superiority over the Kashmiris.
Depkazia
17-04-2006, 16:08
(Oh, don't worry about that. I must apologise, too: I don't think it was very clear, having read again. I'll write an IC bit about the ABF and Samarqand's plans for its aircraft)

While the Depkazi airforce -called the Aeronautical Battle Force- is quite large and formidable when compared to many of the nation's small or poor neighbours, most of the organisation is clearly inferior to forces commanded by the Russian empire and China. Samarqand faces major problems in maintaining and updating its armament due to an obvious reliance on systems originating in the defunct USSR, of which Depkazia was of course a part. Tchokareff's confrontational attitude in respect to the modern empire of Russia -which makes sense given the recent annexation of Kazakhstan and tensions between Russia and his even more powerful Chinese neighbours- makes it all the more difficult to maintain aging Soviet aircraft.

Tchokareff will be keeping his impressive force of eighty-six MiG-29s, since he can have these Fulcrum aircraft refurbished in Yugoslavia's Bulgarian facilities. This makes sure of Depkazi security in respect of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and probably makes the nation sufficiently capable to secure it against any Iranian aggression. However, these nations don't currently constitute any threat regardless of Depkazi strength, since Samarqand has positive relations with Iran and North Pakistan, and is actively taking-part in the destruction of the Afghan Taliban authority, and the A-model Fulcrums are inferior against front-line Russian and Chinese fighters.

If the Premier can convince other users/manufacturers like PR Spyr to help overhaul his Flankers, they too will stay, and Tchokareff is actively looking for other nations able to do the same for his Fencers, hoping that China or possibly United Elias may have the capacity. The Su-27 will maintain superiority over the Caspian, where Samarqand has major disputes against Azerbaijan's claims in the resource-rich seabed, and may be helpful in any conflict with Russia over the vast distances involved in potential Central Asian warfare, and the Su-24s will be useful in both of these theatres as well.

Depkazia has the domestic ability to do useful work on some of the older or simpler fighter types in ABF service, but these simply flesh-out the force to give its personnel something to use, and would only be of significant merit against the nations already dismissed as threats either by diplomacy or the existance in service of more advanced machines.

Pending achievement of these initial aims, Depkazia will have 86 MiG-29 for short-range intercept, 24 MiG-25PD and 24 Su-27 for long-range intercept, 24 Su-25 for fire-support and tank-busting, and 34 Su-24 for interdiction bombing.

This will likely see Depkazia trying to off-load its 100 MiG-21, 64 MiG-23, and 95 Su-17 aircraft in the near future, most of which have been maintained by domestic facilities. The Su-17s are known to include many machines in good working order, several of which have been observed striking targets in Afghanistan in support of ethnically Depkazi-dominated Northern Alliance ground operations. Whether the MiG-23s in particular have much life left in them is less clear, however.

112 old L-39 training aircraft may also be sold to spend their last years with somebody more desperate as Samarqand considers new G-4 Galeb variants from Yugoslavia.

The Defence Association Co-ordinat may use any funds that can be mustered by selling-off these old machines to pay for ambitious upgrades and extensive overhaul of its favoured aircraft. Samarqand hopes to co-operate with Yugoslavia to updgrade both nation's MiG-29s, employing Romanian companies in the effort. There are plans to follow this project with foreign-enabled upgrades for MiG-25PD, Su-27, and possibly for Su-24 and Su-25. Depkazia may take advantage of anti-Russian sentiment to pursue cutting-edge enhancements from Spyr and China. As ever, Tchokareff is extremely ambitious, and hopes -as gas export revenues begin to be felt in Depkazia's economy- far from decreasing the size of the ABF to eventually furnish it with more than two thousand aircraft of the mentioned types, trainers, helicopters, and transports.

In similar news, Depkazi T-72 tanks are being sent for upgrade in Yugoslavia, from where Depkazia is also to acquire enhancements for some of its radar systems and air defence missiles.
Depkazia
28-04-2006, 15:39
Kyzyl-Su (Krasnowodsk), Depkazia

Red Water, its pre-Russian name restored by Tchokareff, Mid Asia's only significant port, something of which to be jealous. Elements of a Russian fort begun almost three hundred years earlier, one of the region's largest oil refineries contrasted with a nature reserve, beaches, thousands of labourers carving out a giant slip... wait, that was new!

A couple of dredging vessels could be seen off shore, along with armed patrol craft of the ridiculously over-hyped Grand Fleet of Indefatigable Popular Maritime Force, which employed ten thousand regular and twenty-five hundred reserve personnel and held pretensions to being the Caspian's most powerful naval organisation. The Kara-Bogaz-Gol was protected by gun, rocket, and missile batteries that guarded Depkazia's oilfields and port, and Fencer aircraft would pass often on their way out to spy Azerbaijani vessels attempting either to defend or prospect disputed waters. Several events in recent years had seen fire exchanged between forces from both nations, and, usually, due to the sheer reckless volume of it coming from the eastern party, the Azeris came off worst, and they rarely had been the initiating party in the exchange. Little wonder Samarqand's policy of rounding-up ethnic Azeri and charging them with trumped-up charges of terrorism against Depkazia and Iran, and its habit of suggesting to Tehran that Azeri nationalists had been discovered plotting for the siezure of Iran's Azerbaijan province.

In the city, materials were being gathered, prepared for another of the premier's ambitious adventures. The Depkazis were laying-down warships. Armour, ice-breaking prows (the north of the sea often freezes in winter, but ice in Depkazi waters hardly merits such a measure), heavy guns, large holds, rampant cost-cutting, chronic inexperience, non-standard materials and components, suicidally frantic construction schedules, these were the characteristics of the Force's designs.

Samarqand

Striding through Registan Square in his loose silk trousers, gold-fixed sandals, and notably absent shirt, the President spoke to himself as he wouldn't quite to the Russians. "The world is against you, it does not matter who is right and who is wrong, your League is limping and the wolves are prowling. Samarqand will declare a reborn USSR and invite Soviet support as quarter of a million Depkazi soldiers press you in Kazakhstan, and the Chinese will take advantage. Then the Japanese and Lyongians will sieze your Pacific ports and the occupied European peoples will rise against you: my people know the potential of a barbarian cavalry horde, even if you do not -yet- fear one several times greater than the greatest of the Mongols. The Indians will destroy your allies in some irrelevant theatre, and Tsar Wingert will pass into infamous history.

"But all that I want is some of the first part. Kazakhstan would make me a great and powerful man in the world, and Mid Asia a good ally to have. Surrendering it to me, though a serious loss to Russian power, would demonstrate that the Russian Tsar is not like the French King. Doing it now would be the act of a reasonable man, neither a power-mad conqueror nor a coward running at the last moment. It would be a loss, but it would make Russia less threatening by being so. I need Kazakhstan, and I will talk to Elias" He would say, gesturing as if he could be best friends with Baghdad's bigshots, "And together we will all press for Russia to be largely excluded from the wrath of China, India, and their respective associates, and I will reposition my forces to defend to the south and east, not attack to the north."

Despite dreaming of a Chinese and even Elias and Indian-backed conquest of Kazakhstan, and at the same time thinking of convincing the Russians to hand back the rest of Central Asia and win his oh so mighty support, Tchokareff was also actively conspiring against Baku, and all this while reports from Afghanistan were fresh in his busy mind.

"Faryab, Jowjzan, Balkh, Samangan, Baghlan, Kondoz, Takhar, and Badakshan, all are Depkazi, all should be Depkazi, all will be Depkazi!" he'd bellowed at his generals of the right and left flank. The vast armies of Depkazia continued to mass in the south, much as their comrades in the north against Russia, but down here they ignored the border, in many cases being placed on both sides, or, in support of their Northern Alliance bretheren, milling back and forth like it did not exist. No deep penetration of Afghanistan had been made, or even attempted, by the Depkazi state, but with ethnic-Depkazis being millions strong in Afghanistan, particularly in the north where they almost totally dominated the largest anti-Taliban alliance, warlords were increasingly treated as Samarqand's generals in an unofficial war. More than a few had been executed for treason without ever swearing alliegence to Tchokareff's state, but there was always someone prepared to toe Samarqand's line in pursuit of fame and power.

Tchokareff, invited to Rome, already famed for private excesses and political madness, was emerging as little short of the most practically ambitious world leader and a potential conqueror of substance. And also as dangerously unreliable... was he Timur or Stalin, Muslim or not, emperor or chairman? In any case, yet to clearly declare himself on any side, Tchokareff was clearly impatient to be received in Rome.

(Just a little bored while inactivity in Afghanistan and Russia make it difficult to act. Keen to see Rome decide Tchokareff's position and direction.)
Depkazia
02-10-2006, 05:02
Pakistani Kashmir

Khalīfah Chingiz Khagan Depkazi may have been semi-secretly travelling the roads of a place that he intended to make Beylik number three, but he hadn't stopped governing the rest of his explosive empire. Attended by officers and ministers as he wound his way from Gilgit to Skardu, the young ruler continued to make proclamations.

Samarqand was already starting to release word of plans for new hydroelectrical power generation schemes in North Pakistan, and water distribution projects from the rich climbs of the mountains there to feed the agricultural needs of the growing Khalifate. Natural gas surveys were already starting in the old Northwest Province, indicating that the Depkazis had indeed long been planning a quick capture of the Republic. Chingiz believed -based on basic geological information- that the region contained one or possibly two gas fields of potential economic viability. Probably no second Caspian Basin, but certainly worth some investment.

Chingiz was interested in China's unrest, but his efforts to take advantage had been typically... Chingiz. The Khalīfah had forwarded outrageous proposals including the use of Khalifate troops -to off-set leftist fears of Chinese troops on the streets and their memories of the Liu junta-, falsified or guided communist sabotage of Chinese infrastructure enabling Chang to save the day by convincing Depkazia to provide free emergency power, and even Depkazi use of WMDs in a war with Kashmir to be ended only by deft negotiation by the Emperor. All had, so far, been dismissed out of hand, and Samarqand was doing itself no favours.

There was no prospect of association with Russia: Tchokareff was the League's man, and he would likely be killed if he ever came back to Depkazia. Chingiz hadn't even given-up his claims to Kazakhstan, and his forces still tested the limits of unagreed borders in the resource-rich Caspian. Equally, conflict with the Armandian Combine would be hard to avoid: Chingiz was the protector of Islam, and the Combine was enforcing communism upon the Afghanis living on his very borders. No point mentioning Kashmir, since the Khagan still planned to sieze its western regions and liberate the Muslims there just as soon as Pakistan was ready.

One unlikely option remained.

Khalifate sends ambassador to Mumbai
...and lodges order for 40,000 in return.

Gulsana Turesbekova has been the surprise pick for independent Depkazia's first permanent ambassador to the INU, provided that the post is accepted by Mumbai. Hailing from the Tien Shan, Gulsana's most immediately notable trait is that... she's a woman.

Ambassador Turesbekova, a distant cousin of Chingiz though she has only met him twice in her life, is selected as a liberal face of the Khalifate, and is to carry an agreeable message to India. She will not be backward in pointing out that, in his short time as a political force, the Khagan has overthrown not one but two of Asia's most long-standing and authoritarian dictators, including one whose dynasty thwarted the INU in the past. Chingiz's heavy investment in clean fuel and declining oil exports will also be on the ambassador's general agenda, along with his efforts to protect true religious freedom and self-rule in Afghanistan. Sort of. Well, you don't trust the Combine, either, do you?

In some contrast with his reputed effort to cut reliance on fossil fuels, but in keeping with a newfound desire to get along with the INU (through which he is, after all, attempting to smuggle arms and jihadis bound for Indonesia), Chingiz's new lady diplomat is tasked with carrying the Khaganates interest in acquisition of cheap, reliable Ambassador motorcars to serve as taxis in the growing civilisation. Most Depkazis would be hard pressed to afford their own car, and Pakistanis even less likely (the Islamic Republic's per-capita GDP, at around US$2,000 according to Chingiz's last pre-jihad intelligence, stands at hardly half that of the Turkic People's Republic), but Chingiz does claim to be keen to improve the mobility of the population and its ability to communicate and engage in vibrant commerce.

The ambassador was also hoping to encourage tourism, especially to her home region in Depkazia, which is known, after all, as the Switzerland of Central Asia. Secondarily, and in fact more importantly, she hoped to encourage the Union's Muslims to visit Depkazia and North Pakistan, both opened-up to them by Chingiz, to visit shrines and other holy sites long denied them.

Federal Army reorganisation to begin

With its skilled commander-in-chief removed, the Pakistani military may be a large force commanded by yes-men with no man-to-yes. However, Chingiz is beginning to recruit men from the SSG and ISIG for retraining within the Turkic People's Army Ground and Air Forces and the Counter Skies Unit of People's Territorial Defence.

The Federal Army shall lose only 200 personnel in total, though 35,000 shall be placed on part-time contracts. Pay should not be badly hit, as the Depkazi economy is larger than that of North Pakistan, and the support of the army there was equally important to the survival of the premier as it was in Pakistan.

With 58,000 regular and 4,500 irregular personnel in the Aeronautical Battle Force and 23,100 in the NPAF, some downsizing is required here, but job creation schemes in Pakistan, often revolving around the exploration and exploitation by experienced Depkazi-lead teams of Pakistan's virtually virgin resources, should provide places for many of these laid-off fighters to go. Chingiz has said that the new air force shall have 65,000 regular and 5,000 reserve personnel.

The Grand Fleet of Indefatigable Popular Maritime Force, being ridiculously over-staffed already, shall receive no influx of Pakistanis.

However, the Counter Skies Unit of People's Territorial Defence is to be extended to cover Pakistan, and increased to 5,000 regular and 10,000 reserve personnel, up one and two thousand respectively, providing a place for many laid-off airmen to go.

All of this means that the People's Army Ground Forces -in need of rebranding now that it is not all Turkic- shall have 400,000 regular and 550,000 reserve personnel for a total approaching one million. Kashmir shall require a lot of Chinese aid if the Maharaja is to avoid a fate as the third dictator toppled by Chingiz. The air force shall have 65,000 regular and 5,000 reserve forces, the 'navy' 10,000 and 2,500, and the air defence forces 5,000 and 10,000. 480,000 regular and 567,500 reserve forces, 1,047,500 in all. At last, a million-man army for the Caliphate. And a direct appeal for the Maharaja to surrender the Vale of Kashmir without a fight, lest the Khalifa be forced to incite revolt behind the lines and launch a punative invasion that may not stop short of the Punjab, let alone Ladakh and Jammu.

These totals ignore the Bactrian militias and any that may be allowed in the new organisation of Pakistan.

Muhannad assault rifles have been taken for examination in the Turkic People's Republic, along with 2B9 automatic mortars, and Igla-1 MANPADS. Crews have been sent to reorganise and repaint the machines of the Pakistani air force ahead of redistribution of machines, including the arrival in Pakistan of Flanker and Fencer aircraft, a minority perhaps to be flown by experienced Pakistani pilots. Amongst other things, the Khaganate is now proud to have over 100 MiG-29 fighters in its arsenal, provided that no sabotage befalls Pakistani machines before the arrival -often airborne- of Depkazi personnel.
The Crooked Beat
07-10-2006, 05:41
Mumbai

It takes massive prodding for Parliament to allow the Depkazi ambassador into Union airspace, and even more to allow her jet to land at Mumbai's Sardar International. Even then, it is escorted from the border by four F(J).4s, armed with DRAB ASRAAMs should the ambassador try anything underhanded. Gulsana Turesbekova's reception certainly does not reflect her substantial achievement at home, but Unioners, full of rage against Chingiz's dictatorship, don't much care. Demonstrators line the route to Parliament House, shouting insults at Turesbekova and her government and throwing whatever comes to hand at the motorcade. Dragged in front of Parliament, she is subjected to over three hours of indignant speeches delivered by delegates from Balochistan and the Punjab. Atrocities committed against Afghanistan's Pashtun population had certainly not gone unnoticed, with refugees pouring into Balochistan, nor had the nuclear test in the Uzbek deserts. With Baloch tribesmen and INA soldiers already in Kandahar with the explicit purpose of fighting Depkazi and North Pakistani expansion, Unioners are not, for the most part, willing to hear Turesbekova's arguments. There will be no trade, and no diplomatic relationship, say Parliamentarians, until Depkazia surrenders its arsenal of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, and until Depkazia pays compensation for Afghans uprooted by TPA action.

That said, Chingiz Khagan should not take Mumbai's rhetoric too seriously. At present, most Unioners doubt that the INA could take-on the Combine in anything less than ideal circumstances, given what appears to be a rather extreme gap in terms of numbers and equipment, even as far as North Sienna is concerned. The terrible under-estimation of Combine forces in Constance's Indian enclave only serves to underscore the need for caution when dealing with that particularly disliked group. As long as a half a million Depkazis and North Pakistanis sit on the Combiners' border, their full force can't be brought to bear against India proper. While such pragmatic manouvering has never been held in high regard, a growing minority see Depkazia through a more sympathetic lens with regards to checking Armandian influence. Not, though, quite as many as hold the opposite viewpoint, and would rather see the somewhat more favorable Combine triumph to some extent. Events in Towraghondi had convinced many that both the Combiners and Depkazis were just two sides of the same coin, both acting without regard for the welfare of civillians and blatently self-interested.

So, as ever, Union policy remains a jumble of differing interpretations and half-baked plots organized under the banner of, "No oppression!," with no direct or decisive action being taken beyond the expedition into Kandahar. If the Combiners make any more terrible mistakes in Afghanistan, Samarkand can expect to see even greater support in some quarters of Union society, but for the time being, people are more or less resolved to press for more favorable circumstances with regards to Depkazia. Turesbekova is sent home.
Depkazia
09-10-2006, 19:00
The attendant tasked with updating Chingiz on the progress of Turesbekova's mission was not a happy man, but at least he may live to see another day under this leader.

How many more days anyone would see under Chingiz was now a matter of some uncertainty, not because -as under his father- anyone may be killed at any moment, but because Depkazia was surrounded by enemies. The Khagan had no allies. He hoped to be perceived as a defender in Afghanistan, particularly after Towraghondi, with his hands tied by the influence and menace of his big neighbours, but to many Depkazis the failure of the diplomatic mission was no surprise.

To Chingiz, this set-back, though it should have been expected, was a derailment. Thus far he had come-up with ideas and carried them out, and they had worked. The Hindustanis weren't supposed to reject him so readily, and he wasn't listening to those advisors who said that time and sustained effort, along with the proper manipulation of the mechanical Combine, could yet warm relations with Mumbai at least enough to enable some trade and limited access to the ocean.

The Depkazis now began to stir trouble south of the border. Setting-up new television and radio transmitters became a priority in Pakistan, a large part of the programming being directed towards religious affairs, and plenty of news magazine shows addressed topics such as the invasion of Indonesia from a distinctly negative standpoint, and talked in romantic terms about the rising Caliphate.

Samarqand

Struggling for allies, the Khaganate under Chingiz went the opposite way and put on a major military parade. Volunteers from the Federal Army were flown-in to take part, and a contingent from each of the Bactrian Beyliks appeared marching and riding horses. Television cameras positioned opposite Registan Square captured crowds, high-ranking officers and respected religious leaders, flags and standards, and the elaborate and ancient buildings.

Along with over-flying Mi-24 gunships, Mi-17s, massive Mi-6s, An-12 transports, MiG-29 and Su-27 fighters, Su-24 and Su-25 attack jets and L-39 trainers, the best of the Caliphate's ground forces were exposed to view. The 2S5 Giatsint-S self-propelled gun was made more menacing by suspicions over the possibility of a tactical nuclear arms programme in Depkazia. ZSU-23-4 Shilka were seen to be escorting the nation's SA-6b surface-to-air missiles. But careful scrutiny would reveal signs of work done just before the latest round of conflict in Afghanistan when Yugoslav technicians were in Depkazia.

It hadn't been announced to the world, but Depkazia's Gainful systems were upgraded with greater countermeasure-resistance and low-altitude performance, as had its SA-3 and other systems, their radars made more sensitive and their survivability enhanced while optical and infra-red guidance enhancements had become commonplace. Not part of the parade, P-14 Tall King early warning radars had acquired anti-anti-radiation-missile subsystems and enhanced sensitivity and would soon be looking into the skies beyond Ludhiana and Bahawalpur this way and almost as far as Urumqui that way.

T-72 battletanks also displayed the Yugoslavian treatment, mounting thermal imaging systems, laser rangefinders, explosive reactive armour blocks, and other improvements.

Then came the Scuds, weapons of 300km range and potential chemical or nuclear warheads. All that came before would probably be forgotten when a single vehicle rolled by at marching speed. Experts would probably -and rightly- assume that it was the product of inherited Soviet-era infrastructure, mostly in the northwestern quarter of the Turkic People's Republic- The biggest vehicle in the parade carried what appeared to be a multi-stage solid-fuel ballistic missile.
The Crooked Beat
11-10-2006, 02:56
Balochistan

That the Indian National Union is a land of diversity, and is therefore home to opinions and political priorities as diverse as its languages, might serve to convince Chingiz to reevaluate his prospects on the Indian Subcontinent. Parliament only excersizes authority, after all, because the Union's constituent Local Councils send delegates to it, and even then the day-to-day business of governance is very much a grass-roots affair, with little to no direct input from the capital. So, just because an area is officially part of the Indian National Union, it does not mean that it is under Mumbai's control, or even that Mumbai attempts to excersize authority in the area. Nowhere is this more true than in the border province of Balochistan, where the climate has bred a tough, fiercely independent society that lives in much the same way as it has for centuries.

And in Balochistan, the Hindustani stereotype, that of the drugged-up mystic witn an affinity for sitar music, couldn't be further from the truth. Baloch tribesmen wielding Kalashnikovs and Lee-Enfields, and directed from the provincial headquarters in Quetta, mount regular raids into Afghanistan, while Pashtun in northern Balochistan exist in a state of complete independence from central government altogether. General Abdur Khattak, a Balochi, commands a force of 45,000 men, composed overwhelmingly of Balochis and Pashtun, in Kandahar, in the field with the express purpose of smashing the local Khans. For a province that has never been entirely happy with its status in the Union, and that now harbors its own designs in Afghanistan, independence has become an increasingly appealing option. Already a likely candidate for Prime Minister has emerged in Salal Bugti, the charismatic mayor of Quetta. Lately he speaks critically of the Depkazis and their bad treatment of the Pashtun in Afghanistan, but, depending on how things go in North Pakistan, this opinion might be altered. It was, after all, Tchokareff the elder who committed the worst crimes against Afghanistan's population. For a man concerned with the establishment of a proper Baloch nation like Salal Bugti, Combine influence is also something less than welcome, further improving Depkazia's standing.
Depkazia
12-10-2006, 02:00
Dushanbe, the Turkic People's Republic of Depkazia

Officially home to just over half a million people, this city that only rose to prominence during the Soviet era was now to host a major trial, seeking to bring justice against those responsible for mistakes and counter-productive conspiracies in Bactria and Afghanistan.

So said Depkazia media after the state released information about the arrest of numerous government and military figures said to be left-overs of the tangled and paranoid Tchokareff administration. They were identified as being largely responsible for, "the unfortunate and now-regretted instances of Turkic-Pashtun conflict during the struggle to liberate Bactria from the unnatural confines of borders drawn by imperialists following what had been tellingly named the 'Great Game', in which both Depkazia and Afghanistan were playthings to Russia and its (here unnamed) enemies."

Though it would not be broadcast live, Samarqand stated that the Dushanbe Accounting would be published and broadcast after the fact, when sensitivities had been attended to.

Samarqand's official position is that conflict in Afghanistan is in two sorts. First there is traditional tribal conflict that will only continue to fade with national progress, and second there is conflict caused by foreign non-Islamic intrusion, from the C19th imperialism to present communist interference. Samarqand suggests that this second type of conflict is -by hindering national development and upsetting the Islamic life of the people- preventing the end of the first kind.

Since the establishment of the Caliphate, Chingiz considers that Afghanistan falls properly within his sphere of influence, and is attempting to stabilise it by withdrawing Turkic Bactria from the artificially shaped nation and doing business with the Taleban government. Samarqand is certainly unwilling to take the blame for unfortunate incidents that have passed in the country while it is being invaded by communists from Armand and India, whose claims of Depkazi imperialism he counters in kind, adding that Depkazia is acting to resolve early violent incidents.

Peaceful intentions towards Islamist Afghanistan are one thing, but the Khagan has some forty-thousand military personnel in North Pakistan, and more moving through towards the Vale of Kashmir, while thousands more were making their way to the Khyber Pass or enhancing bases in Bactria.
Beddgelert
13-10-2006, 00:16
Raipur

In the Green Tower upon The Island at the centre Burha Talab lake in Portmeirion, the old Celtic Quarter of Raipur, capital of the Chhattisgarhi Soviet State and heart of the Indian Soviet Commonwealth, Mid Asia had made itself interesting for the first time since the People's Cosmonautical Co-operative withdrew from Kazakhstan, partly in protest over the Russian invasion. And it had done so by waving a big rocket infront of the television cameras.

It probably wasn't the sort of interest that Chingiz would wish to provoke from perhaps Asia's second largest and most interventionalist power. Mumbai received communiqués from Raipur suggesting the positioning in Union territory of a comprehensive array of CS-400 Red Sky ABM regiments under joint Union-Soviet control. It is thought that Red Sky would have a realistic chance of intercepting ballistic missiles launched from any territory presently under the sway of the Caliphate if it were to be properly deployed within the INU.

Development and trial of CS-500 continues, but the cost of building so many Red Sky systems for home, allies, and for the fleet means that resources available to the newer project -codenamed Arawan- are very much limited, and so opening the interim defence umbrella that much further seems wise.
The Crooked Beat
17-11-2006, 02:32
Mumbai

Of all the things that might be said about Parliament, decisive is not one of them. For that reason, nobody should be surprised about the recent change of heart experienced by a great many politically-inclined Unioners with respect to Depkazia. Chingiz Khagan's regime remains one with many negative aspects, but some have started to think that domestic conditions might be more readily improved if Chingiz begins to think that he isn't surrounded by enemies. The Indian National Union, for one, would be better-served if it too started to consider its regional neighbors more as friends than as rivals, with war still very much underway in Africa and Europe. With a now-independent Balochistan seeking trade relations with Samarkand, it is doubly important for Mumbai to improve relations with Depkazia.

A communique is sent to Chingiz's capital, inquiring as to his willingness to retry diplomacy with the Indian National Union, and offering to send a representative to Samarkand.
Depkazia
13-05-2007, 15:40
Caliphate pulls forces from east, retreats from Chinese frontier

...but still refers to East Turkestan.

Caliph Chingiz Khagan Depkazi has issued orders for the decommission of several defence facilities in Depkazia's east, notably withdrawing many Su-27 Flanker interceptors from bases close to China.

Samarkand calls this a good-will gesture in hopes of future commercial relations with Beijing, while a foreign newspaper claims to have interviewed a senior Defence Association Co-ordinat officer who, though unidentified, suggests that the retreat is in fact an attempt to protect the Khaganate's best military assets in the event of a Chinese first-strike against the Caliph, who has, no doubt, made many enemies by his obstruction of a proposed Armand-China pipeline once slated to intersect territory now occupied by Caliphal soldiery.
Depkazia
16-01-2008, 08:25
Samarkand invites scholars, students

Caliph Chingiz Khagan Depkazi announces today the establishment at Registan of a new school and the creation of Depkazia's first, "think tank".

Islamic scholars, experts in ethno-linguistics, former diplomats, economists, historians, retired soldiers, and others are invited to lecture, study, and even join a group set to advise the Caliphate on important policy in coming months and years as the holy borders expand across Mid Asia. One of Registan's three great madrasahs will be given over to the scientific study of the new Caliphate and associated Khaganate as Samarkand attempts to bring order and Chingiz seeks advice on how to divide and administer the varied peoples and territories under his nominal control.

Samarkand invites foreign thinkers to help the young state decide on borders for its Khanates in Afghanistan, North Pakistan, and territories yet to be formally inducted into the Caliphate.

Maps in the college already colour Baku, all of Afghanistan, Balochistan, East Turkestan, Kazakhstan, and the Vale of Kashmir in the same green tone as Bactria, North Pakistan, and Depkazia, apparently identifying the extent of the Caliph's historic and provocative ambition.


Other news:

Swift reversal, forces return to the east!
-Xiannese nationalists approached by Caliphal diplomats, infiltrations of Uyghur Autonomous Region continue.

Caliphal cricket team established!
-Samarkand invites Indian National Union to play one-day exhibition match in Peshawar at the Arbab Niaz Stadium. Top batsman Mohammad Younus Khan would captain the Caliphate's side, which -dominated by North Pakistanis such as Khan, Umar Gul, and Yasir Hameed Qureshi- is not realistically expected to be able to defeat a Hindustani national side able to call upon the likes of Sachin Tendulkar, but Samarkand is clearly hoping to promote sport as a means of gaining acceptance in the outside world while entertaining the population at home.
The Crooked Beat
22-01-2008, 02:47
Parliament welcomes Samarkand's cricket proposal, and gives the Hindustani national team permission to take part. It's been some time since Union cricketers had the opportunity to play in Peshawar, not since the commencement of Mustafa Shareef's presidency anyway, and most Unioners see the establishment of sporting ties as an important step in building a normal, civil diplomatic relationship with Depkazia. The positive atmosphere bound to come into being around this historic cricket outing is, furthermore, seen as a good way to help convince the large proportion of Unioners still opposed to diplomatic links with Depkazia that Samarkand is not the threat that they often make it out to be.
Depkazia
10-03-2008, 07:52
Concurrent with attempts to bribe the German government in a nuclear-weapons technology for investment favours arrangement, Hindustani, Yugoslavian, British, Quinntonian, African Commonwealth, Cassanos, Hudecian, Japanese, Middle Eastern, and Roycelandian firms are amongst those invited by a new publicity campaign to consider investment in the Caliphate. Brochures insist that Depkazia-proper, with more than forty-four million residents, considerable natural resources, and developing infrastructure, is a safe and stable place, while suggesting that Balochistan and most of Afghanistan will quickly follow North Pakistan in becoming lucrative investment areas as liberation and security are brought by Samarkand's legions. The Caliphate advertises itself as the rising star on the world's stage, urging those able to operate businesses with sensitivity to Muslim issues to look seriously at Mid Asia.

(And the author is called away mid post!)