NationStates Jolt Archive

To whom it may concern,

On behalf of the People's Republic of China, I would like to cordially invite a representative from your Soviet Republic to engage in discussions with Beijing.

Understandably relations between our nations in the past have not been the warmest, but changing global circumstances mean that we too must change, and co-operate in ways we have not considered before. More importantly, we wish to discuss whether a non-agression pact between our two nations is viable.

Assistance with transport will be no problem.

Yours Sincerely,

Hu Jin Tao
Foreign Affairs minister

Somewhat embarrasingly for Hu, it seemed no one in the government actually knew who was in charge of Beth Gellert. Neverthless, it was a big change from the past, and Hu wouldn't be surprised if he never got a reply from this.

(Retry, since the last effort, seemingly, was lost to the void. I haven't proof-read it, but hopefully it still makes something approaching Commonwealth sense. Blah.)

Hu Jin Tao's approach was received by the Commonwealth Professional Civil Service in Portmeirion at Raipur, Chhatisgarh, and soon appeared on the Commonwealth's intranet, where after it became a topic of discussion in Senates and Soviets across the land.

Few Commonwealthers viewed the Chinese government as legitimate, and almost to a one they regarded the Chinese economy a major threat to humanity and to the world, but few were able in initial discussions to convince themselves or others that there was ever likely to be a beneficial use for a military show-down with the Chinese state in China or India. There was no way that either could conquer the other -China was too large, and had three citizens for every one in the Commonwealth, and was ethnically and culturally too cohesive for anyone to rate their chances of breaking the nation; and the Indians were lately inspired by the realisation of their Third Commonwealth, and their citizenry too well prepared in the Commonwealth Militia Auxiliary for deep defence to make occupation viable if all the armies of the world combined in the effort- so on such a level, non-aggression seemed to many like a useful tool by which both parties could convince the other of their disinterest in what would have to be genocide.

This alone was reason enough to send somebody to Beijing but, the Commonwealth system being what it was, the Senates would struggle for some time before deciding what they wanted to say, all of which had to happen before the people could begin the equally long process of electing a delegate.

While quarter of a million arenas over a million-some square kilometres of Commonwealth debated the implication of non-aggression with China in respect of Vietnam, the Philippines, and so on, the CPCS dispatched an initial reply to Beijing. It stated the simple facts of receipt of the Foreign Affairs Minister's approach and the on-going process of popular discussion, and finished by saying that a Consul would be sent to Beijing pending completion of this democratic process.

Either from limited past dealings, or from observing more frequent Soviet dealings with the likes of Vietnam and Lyong, Beijing should gather that a brief wait is virtually unavoidable.

(bump!)

The lengthy process of discussion and eventually of election had lead the Commonwealth to dispatch north a delegate with some prior repute thanks to her work with popular news-media and her professional reporting on the -ultimately failed- Zanzibar Progressive Assembly.

Before she departed, the Chinese were informed that Fulki Morgan-Manoja, the selected consul, was a native speaker of English and Hindi, with, in the unlikely event of it mattering, limited understanding of Geletian and Welsh.

The mixed-race female journalist-cum-spokesperson would travel to China in a style clearly designed to make an impression. The Commonwealth felt outnumbered by China alone, and, being irreconcilably at odds with the entire Holy League, suspicious of United Elias, perpetually on the brink of war with Roycelandia, and less than friendly with the rest of NATO, much discussion after Hu Jin Tao's approach had revolved around whether Beijing may jusitifiably regard the Third Commonwealth as much the inferior partner in any diplomatic engagement.

And so the elected consul flew aboard one of the largest aircraft in the world, all three of which belonged to the Commonwealth. The chosen An-225 Breuddwyd (née Mriya) was one of the two assembled and finished in India after the single completed model and the remaining two partial builds were acquired from Putin's Russia in exchange for much help in modernising his post-USSR economy (something that most Indian Sovietists now regretted). Cruising at eight-hundred kilometres per hour, the almost frigate-sized aircraft was covered in traditional Indian and Celtic patterns, the clearly civilian machine escorted to the edge of Chinese airspace by a MiG-31-alike NT-7 Kan-gel interceptor and a low-observable NT-4C Hobgoblin air-superiority fighter that both could either turn back or go on, depending upon Chinese reaction: the Soviets wanted to make a strong impression, but didn't want to appear particularly desperate to do so.

The media organisations with which Fulki used to work were, concurrently, running stories about the laying-down of the first Commonwealth Class fleet aircraft carrier, and the visit to Vietnam of an armoured gunboat that fought at the Coral Sea- a battle with Franco-Roycelandian forces that was being widely re-covered by a media keen to remind everyone of the history of French piracy and the ability of Commonwealth forces to destroy dozens of European combat jets and a Roycelandian battleship.

There was a lot of fuss over military strength in a society dispatching a delegate to discuss peace.

A welcome message is beamed to the Soviet aircraft as they cross the Chinese border, heading south en route to Hong Kong. There was some tension amongst the military about the Mig-31 lookalike following the giant jumbo jet, namely whether the aircraft contained any reconassiance equipment that could potentially peer into Chinese secrets. In the end, nothing was said or done.

At Hong Kong's new international airport, a small group of supporters (many of them waving Socialist Progressive Party banners) and Free Tibet activists waited for the Beth Gellert delegation to arrive.

The Apti (April Titovo Aeronautics Plant) NT-7I Kan-gel, the Chinese would probably have been glad to know, was not outfitted for reconnaissance, but primarily for defence of the transport-configured Breuddwyd, as was the MiG-39/F-22-equivalent Apti NT-4C Hobgoblin, both of which had apparently made the flight from Kolkata without refuelling. The planes had been laden withfuel and various countermeasures, and carried DRAB ASRAAM in addition to their 30mm cannon.

This was thought to be the first time that NT-7 had flown outside of India, though the arguably more advanced NT-4C wasn't exactly a common sight in the skies until the recent convening of the Third Commonwealth. The Kan-gel (named for massive dogs brought with the Geletians from Asia Minor many centuries ago) displayed a powerplant that, alongside NT-4C, might be seen to resemble Hobgoblin's vectored-thrust super-cruise Sprite-C engines, though the newer aircraft lacked thrust vectoring nozzles. Though quite boxy in appearance, Kan-gel did at least have some manner of shielding evident around its large air intakes, which, like other potentially high-signature areas, bore possible RAM coating, and the big two-seater machine wore a radar absorbant paint scheme, as the Soviets had tried to quiet-down a distinctly unstealthy design without spending too much energy in the attempt.

While not bearing dedicated reconnaissance equipment, the two fighters hadn't appeared afraid to look around the Soviet party with their new electronically-scanned radars, which, in Hobgoblin's case, was a microprocessor-intelligent Nayangal set dedicated to air-superiority work, and, in Kan-gel's, the more powerful Mayur phased array.

Consul Fulki Morgan-Manoja looked closely down on Hong Kong during her approach, and remained particularly interested in the massive development and land reclamation required by the air port's development, Portmeirion being increasingly interested in such measure with respect to progress for the Parmis Archipelago (AKA Laccadive Islands, Lakshadweep), which remained fairly isolated and under-developed after Commonwealth and Soviet liberation from a brief and over-ambitious Nicobarese occupation.

When she alighted, the Indian was a little embarrassed by some of the demonstrators she saw. The Third Commonwealth especially was not very forceful in support of the Tibetan cause, many Commonwealthers being of the impression that population redistribution -much as they felt the African socialists to be over-ambitiously attempting in Zimbabwe- rendered the case virtually null, and that most of the people living in Tibet now were inarguably Chinese. If Portmeirion stopped short of offically recognising Beijing's legal authority in Tibet, it was possibly with a view to offering recognition in future as a relatively painless diplomatic concession when the Soviets did something big that China didn't like.

Still, for now, she tried to remain positive, daring even to smile in the direction of the little crowd, leaving open to interpretation just whether it was the Free Tibet or Socialist Progressive crowd that she acknowledged.

Fulki, dressed in a saree of largely earthy colours, very much the work of a Celt in India, a woman of kindly disposition, approaching middle-age, was contrasted rather by her male escorts, one a Bengali man with an over-sized moustach, the other a slightly tanned two-metre Geletian with hair past his shoulders, both of whom grinned persistantly at any Chinese officials and threw salutes with the raising of a left-handed fist towards the assembled supporters.

Hu Jin Tao approached the Soviet, complemented her on her clothing, and offered her a firm handshake while a Chinese aide carrying a box approached. It was customary for gifts to be given to visiting dignitaries, and in this case, the box contained a 24 carat golden memorial commemorating the end of the Sino-Soviet Cold War, a sculpture designed by famed artist Lim Kee Kwok, and a piece of interpretive modern Chinese artwork featuring atonal yet symbolic imagery, also designed by the same artist.

A nearby limosine pulled up, and Hu Jin Tao opened the doors for his counterpart. It would take them to the Presidential Palace.

After thanking the Chinese for their gift and handing it to her Geletian comrade, the consul took from the Bengali man his impressive sabre, which she then presented as a gift to her hosts. The golden memorial would probably be put on public display on its return to the Commonwealth- exactly where it was displayed would depend on the proceeding of events in China.

A sword could perhaps be seen as a fairly hostile gift to make, and it did speak of a strong warlike tradition in the Geletians and their Indian neighbours but, likewise, of their eventual reconciliation and their modern comradeship, as the impressive weapon was made of beautiful wootz -known internationally as Damascus steel, despite being an Indian invention- which, although patterned incidentally by mezmerising swirls in the high-carbon production process, was also inlayed with hand-cut art of the unmistakably Celtic fashion. Morgan-Manoja said that the patterns spoke of endurance and togetherness, and noted in handing over the sabre that, in fact, its edge had been deliberately allowed to go dull so that the presentation was no longer of a cutting weapon.

Fulki said a word of thanks to the Foreign Affairs Minister as she stepped into the vehicle.

The pair of them soon arrived at the Presidential Palace after less than two minutes, with a large yet cosy room set aside for them. Outside, it was a muggy and windswept day, but the Presidential Palace provided air conditioned comfort and climate control.

Fulki and Hu were seated next to a warm fire while a small contingent of press looked on.

"I hope that trip wasn't too disorientating," Hu said. "Shall we get started on our agenda?"

Hu took a pamplet that had been handed to him by a Socialist earlier in the week, detailing "Imperialism in Goa".

"I'd like to know what the Soviets think about Goa and Roycelandia in general. Would you be able to enlighten me?"

Fulki looked at the document for a moment and then started, slowly, to respond. Nobody had been perfectly sure about the duties inherent to the appointment confered upon her by popular vote, so the Indian had a fairly wide allowance in terms of her authority to speak on different matters.

"Goa" she said, "is a chair with one short leg. When you come to sit, it may be well balanced one day, but the next day merely missing a scrap of folded paper may cause it to wobble or fall.

"Goa is home to many peoples, Indians, Roycelandians, and Geletians, all have been there for generations, but the Roycelandian Empire and the surrounding lands of South India have related very differently to one another over that time. The Commonwealth has been prepared at times to tollerate Goa and to forget about its history, assuming that it is moving in the proper direction. From time to time the Roycelandian Emperor has even passed laws that made Commonwealthers think of neighbours in Goa as in a prison that at least wasn't all that bad.

"Roycelandia's relatively uninvolved stance over the United African Republic of late has made it easier to drop one of our greater bones of contention and to move away from supporting Igomo, which previously we have done mostly because Igomo is better for Africa than is Royce. Royce staying out of it makes it easier for the Soviets to disengage and contributes to a lessening of tensions... we had been able to see Goa as a relic, rather than the outpost of an enemy tyrant.

"This is changing, and it is mostly because of France, and, by association, Wingert. The French have committed repeated acts of piracy against friends of the Commonwealth; they have assassinated Yugoslavia's head of government; launched missile strikes against towns and cities, and, we now know, they have tortured Soviet captives, and continue to practice torture and political execution on a systematic basis. Now they are actually invading two Asian countries, and we have no reason to believe that they intend to stop there.

"All of this is significant because the Roycelandians appear to be not just complicit but fundamentally important to France's rampage, having taken legal posession of French territories, joined in the French occupation of Algeria, helped in trampling on the Filipino people and nation, and, we can only assume, they have not randomly chosen to say that it is enough to have done these things. We now see France returning to South East Asia where, only two and three decades ago, Roycelandia was responsible for millions of deaths.

"To the people at large, it appears that the Roycelandia which committed that genocide has not declined and been replaced, has gone unpunished and has not changed- the only reason they did not persist in killing to this day is that the Africans rose up and drought swept much of their territory at the same time as our revolution destroyed their support in India. Now that they have France's support, it looks to us as if they intend to restart their campaign of atrocity, which, to this day, we have not been able to understand.

"This is why people protest opposite Goa's defences. Some want justice -most of us are unconcerned with that concept- others simply don't want to live beside killers. The Soviet Commune feels that Goa, since the invasions of the Philippines and Cambodia, has become a security risk to the Commonwealth and the Indian National Union, and a point of probable strategic importance in the sprawling conflict initiated by Roycelandia's allies in South East Asia.

"Since you have asked what we think of Goa and not exactly what we intend to do with Goa I shall at this point bite my tongue...

"I must also admit to being largely ignorant of China's position in relation to the Roycelandian Empire." The Consul added, after a brief pause.

"China has had a long economic relationship with Roycelandia as trading partners through WEC, but politically, we have had neutral relations. Under Liu, China turned a blind eye to their morally dubious activities, but Emperor Zhang lost patience with them some time last year when it became clear they were in the Phillipines to exploit the nation on behalf of the French.

We believe Goa and several French and Roycelandian colonies in the Pacific pose a significant security risk to shipping links between the east and the west.

So what do the Soviets plan on doing with Goa? We may be very receptive and even co-operative." Hu said, with a hint of craftiness in the last line.

The Consul raised an eyebrow to Hu's last comments, perhaps a little surprised by the growing impression that perhaps Beijing and Portmeirion were, for now, on the same side.

"Perhaps" she started, tentative but still surely over-stepping her bounds, given the grounds on which she was elected, "we are approaching an historic time in which reasonable peoples must discuss the future, so that irresponsible forces be replaced with a condition, or set of conditions, that are not cause for further war across Asia and the Indian Ocean."

Fulki shifted in her seat, a little uncomfortable with the position she'd taken, but resolved to press on rather than withdraw at this point.

"It is hard to imagine how necessary actions can be taken in South East Asia without involving Goa, and how this can be done without involving near-by East Africa, where the Roycelandians place much of their power. We certainly do not wish to force Baghdad too into this mess, and, at the risk of aligning Elias and China in our opposition in the aftermath, I feel that Beijing may be important in ensuring that the Middle East does not throw itself on the fires of the imperialist cause. They must understood that it is a lost cause, don't you think? And that better options exist, I mean.

"If fighting the French means that we must fight the Roycelandians, it seems that Russia will be forced to join in defence of its significant allies. We in the Commonwealth receive a great deal of information from friends in Europe... friends who would rather have remained uninvolved but whose hand is frequently forced by the League's reckless aggression... about the possibility of rebellion and insurrection against the Tsar, but it is not of the sort that would be better than courageous self-sacrifice if left alone against Russian might.

"I say this just so we all understand that the anti-imperialist cause is not only just but global and strong, straining at the bit."

"Good to hear that we are on the same side on this issue at least. Perhaps this is the silver lining to the recent unfortunate events in Manila." Hu said. In a tangent to what has recently been said, Hu asked Fulki about Tibet.

"I noticed your supporters included some Tibetan activists, what is the Soviet position on that?"

The Consul breathed heavily for a moment.

"Is that why I am here?" She asked. "I almost feel like an intelligence gathering service for China.

"Tibet. Few in the Commonwealth objected in principle to the idea of a communist invasion of such a backwards and oppressive domain. We only resent that it was the Maoists, corrupt and unenduring, who moved before the Indian revolution was established.

"Many accept that Tibet is Chinese.

"I am surprised to have seen supporters come out in China for Tibet and the Soviets. Normally we expect Free Tibet advocates to look towards Mumbai before Portmeirion. To me this speaks of something more serious lurking in the heart of China. It seems that there are those who would not advocate a return to Tibet's de facto independence under the old local order.

"As the majority of Sovietists, perhaps some would still like to see Tibet join the revolution.

"But... this is not different to how we regard the rest of China, there is no great interest in Tibetan independence for it's own sake. The people happening to live on the plateau are not appreciably more free in the temple than in the market.

"This information is not hard to come by on a visit to the Commonwealth, nor, it appears in the streets of China, where revolutionaries do endure. I at least am heartened to see them."

"My apologies for the rather long winded introduction, but our two nations really don't know much about each other.

The main reason I ask that however, is to enquire about the possibility of an exchange. Beijing is willing to recognise Goa as Soviet territory in exchange for a Soviet recognition of Tibet as Chinese territory."

bump.

"Perhaps the multi-national conference that we have arranged in Democratic Kampuchea -which recently has received Soviet recognition in replacement of the Cambodian Republican authority which conspired to surrender South East Asia to the French- will bring-up issues of significance to our discussions, but in principle the Commonwealth is unlikely to be opposed to this idea.

"Securing Goa will be significant for Indian security and democracy, and will reduce the chances of conflict in the future, if we accept that this year is one of violent change in the world. Ending conflict of positions over Tibet will do much of the same, no doubt.

"The Soviets are also keen to have Chinese support for the Khmer Rouge in light of the mentioned failures of the current government in Phnom Penh, and likewise to know that the Soviet-democratic socialist reformists in Vietnam can work without perceiving a Chinese enemy.

"We have between us as nations to address so many things: conflict in the Andaman and Nicobars, where a pro-Chinese anti-Soviet authority was failing in the face of pro-HolyLeague monarchist pressure and now has lost effective French support; and to make some important decisions in the Philippines, where French influence must certainly be destroyed but where after a strengthened communist movement competes with the standing, weakened government and religious minority movements.

"Even with Goa removed as a threat, the Roycelandians remain on Socotra and East Africa, and maintain some potential to cause trouble in the Indian Ocean at least.

"We are interested in the demilitarisation of the Andaman and Nicobar islands, for which Quinntonian consultation will be required -they maintain a small base there- but can reach no sensible conclusion on future sovereignty, much as is likely for the troubled people there who find themselves now in a difficult situation.

"In principle, however, the Indian Soviet Commonwealth is hopeful for a twenty-first century in which China and India have finally come to terms, each accepting that they can neither change nor defeat the other and, in spite of differences, can co-operate when there is great need to face common enemies that can be put in their place. I think we can agree that Siempang's conference will progress with the silent understanding that we are working on a common theme: China's historic boundaries will be recognised, and colonial domination on the Indian sub-continent will be finished."

tag

China

In light of the renewed movement of events in SE Asia, the Soviets hope to agree a broad plan of action with China.

Needless to say, the Soviet Commonwealth does not accept the Philippines' commonwealth with Roycelandia, and considers that the current government has surrendered its legitimacy. Forces are now deploying in strength to Vietnam, and a major fleet is moving across the Bay of Bengal, bound for the South China Sea.

The Soviets intend to launch an invasion of the Philippines to over-throw the sitting government and remove all Franco-Roycelandian assets. There will also be a demand for Roycelandian withdrawal from Goa, a probable Soviet/Vietnamese/Khmer-Rouge invasion of Phnom Penh, and eventually an invasion of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, all forced by the piracy and imperialism of the French crown and the Roycelandian alliance with it.

During these more headline-grabbing events will also come Portmeirion's official recognition of Chinese administration over Tibet as it stands.

The Andaman & Nicobar invasion is not yet set in stone, and is a reaction to monarchist disturbances there. It is possible that some sort of deal may be struck with Beijing and Washington to partition the islands, turning the troubled Andamans to Soviet control and retaining pro-Chinese/Quinntonian administration of the Nicobars, along with a bilateral demilitarisation of the chain. Perhaps the remaining royals can be exiled to Walmington or some such out of the way and harmless place, if they do not force their own deaths.

The Soviets, if they get Chinese support, may also agree to halt expansion of influence in SE Asia at Vietnam, Laos, and Kampuchea, leaving Thailand, Malaysia, Burma and such beyond their interest.

The Philippines, then, is the main issue. Portmeirion doesn't know what to do about the Islamists, a tiny minority though they may be, and doesn't really expect China to stay hands-off while the whole nation of ninety million turns Soviet. The Commonwealth would like to form an alliance for the, "de-colonisation" of the Philippines, seeing both nations leading a massive invasion in which we will invite the support of other nations such as the Spyrians and the Hindustanis for a multi-national occupation after Soviet and Chinese assaults.

Being as the increasingly Soviet-aligned Communist Party of the Philippines has major influence in parts of the country, and may be receptive to Soviet forces after good work by the Philippines Liberation Soviet in recent years, the Soviets would like to press quickly towards the southwest of Luzon, into the Visayas islands, and southern and eastern Mindanao. Other areas, such as the north of Luzon, would be to Chinese pacification.

After victory for Soviet and Chinese forces, much discussion would be needed in order to handle ideological differences in the islands, and communist administration would be enacted in parts, but would lack sufficient support in others to allow a single national government such as was the corrupt failure of the current authority. Perhaps half of Luzon and half of Mindanao along with Palawan might form a Democratic Republic of the Philippines, and the other halves and the central islands a People's Republic of the Philippines, perhaps including a small Islamic Republic under the thumb of the anti-colonial alliance powers or some other such concession to limit extreme religious agitation.

The Indian Soviet Commonwealth does not intend to allow the western imperialists the pleasure of dictating the place, time, and pace of the coming show-down and, rather than await their arrival on mainland Asia, would have them fight on the Philippines, with a New People's Army volunteer hiding behind every position they may try to defend. The Soviets would like also to press-on and remove the French and Roycelandians from Polynesia and New Caledonia once this is done.

There is no clarity as yet on whether places like Palawan should be assaulted, or simply isolated and forced to surrender.

Portmeirion asks as to whether or not China would be willing to share with Soviet India the invasion and liberation of the Philippines.

Beijing will agree to co-operation on the Phillipines issue, but has requested that serious discussion over other issues of conflict be delayed until after the recent tensions have died down.

The Chinese government has also raised the issue of the NPA, and has stated that those responsible for years of bloody guerilla warfare should not be legitimised by recieving a role in the post-war Phillipines. China would only be receptive to a Communist government in Manila under certain benchmark conditions, such as the guarantee of democracy, protection of Chinese interests from expropriation, and a non-expansive foreign policy.

Although the issue has been left till later, government officials are expected to raise concerns over what they feel is overly aggressive expansion of communist politics in SE Asia and A&N.

After a spate of events in Central Asia, Foreign Affairs minister Hu Jin Tao has asked whether Portmeirion would be willing to accomodate a Sino-Indian conference on the future of the region.

In the Philippines, Soviet help remains as ever. Portmeirion's official position is that the Filipino communist resistance has existed almost since the end of WWII, and that the Commonwealth only began to help well inside the last two decades after the Filipino communists directly requested foreign aid.

In other words, the Soviets are in no way interfering in the islands, being only as much a part of the affair as are any nations or corporations that deal with the Manila government or existing Filipino companies.

One must understand, the consuls will say, that in any moment during which a westernised observer (sometimes the Commonwealth will accuse Asian followers of party-politics or free-market capitalism of being westernised) feels that the Soviets are supporting the NPA, CPP, or other communist groups in the Philippines, several hundred million communists are already feeling that the obserber's nation/company is actively supporting the anti-communist cause there.

The Soviets try to leave alone the SEA issue. The Commonwealth has already recognised the DR Kampuchea in place of Cambodia, and armed the Khmer Rouge sufficiently to sustain 25,000 straight-leg infantry in the field, seeing them in to control of almost all of northern Cambodia. Laos is regarded as subsidiary to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, which continues to receive Soviet aid and badgering. Hanoi is a deathtrap for capitalist investors, no small number of whom have been accidentally killed in robbery attempts et cetera, and the Commonwealth simply considers that it is supporting the quite clearly demonstrated will of the people of South East Asia in all of these areas. Roycelandia and Australasia have both done enough to make sure that these are peoples lost to the so-called western systems. Even if the Commonwealth pulled-out entirely right now, the populations would likely, according to Portmeirion, resist Chinese influence as that of the capitalistic and autocratic invader

In Burma and Malaysia, the Soviets feel that they can make little impression against local and British influence respectively, and hardly more progress exists in Thailand. All of this the Soviets are perfectly happy to allow to be seen. Worries about evil remaining in Singapore, and the loss of Sujava to revisionism that shall end up back in capitalist exploitation, are here unsaid. It is likely that the expansion of Soviet maritime strength will be directed not against he Holy League but in keeping-open shipping lanes to Neo-Anarchos.

Re.Central Asia

The Commonwealth is interested. Portmeirion fears a rise in Islamic radicalism as a threat not directly to itself, but to its favourite ally, the Indian National Union. Meanwhile, the conformism of the Combine is no more appealing to the Soviets than its statist economics can be to Chinese business. Truth be told, the Soviets would be content to see the resource-rich western Combine under capitalist sway if it meant that people-rich North Sienna rejoined the Indian democracies and the insipid Combine ideology went the way of the Bolsheviks and the Maoists (don't tell the NPA).

Mr Hu arrives in Portmeirion, a few hours after hearing of the Combine's declaration of war with Bihar. Chinese policy makers did not see that coming, and the resulting scramble of diplomatic messages from Beijing meant Hu Jin Tao was reading and preparing up until the last minute.

The trade proposals, handed to him by the minister of Finance would take a back seat for now. The main thing would be to limit the damage and to stop a war.

Commonwealth spokespeople admit to Hu that they had not expected Combine intervention on this scale.

When originally considering invasion of Bihar, many years ago, the previous Commonwealths did indeed fear an Armandian spanner in the works, and this, in truth, was a major reason behind the unlikely decision to engage during monsoon season, and to take the south of the country as quickly as possible. The assualt was made by forces fully expecting that Patel would retreat north of the formidable Ganga, allowing quick liberation of the south, and meaning that the dictator's power would be concentrated in the extremely difficult north, thus making a hastily-arranged Combine operation less likely to achieve major success.

But, still, it has happened in spite of these things.

Generally, now, the Commonwealth regards the Chinese as amongst the least objectionable capitalist powers. They, at least, seem largely to keep it to themselves, where the moralistic Quinntonians can't resist an opportuntiy to stick their noses in, Elias is a neo-colonial force, and so on. Besides, the Soviets grudgingly recognise that, for now, Maoism has ruined China for the revolution. Perhaps, someday, the Soviet alternative will appeal, but one can't say when that might be, and so the Commonwealth has pursued a policy of acceptance with Beijing, ever since the fall of the much disliked Sinoese and Xiannese states.

Unfortunately, it is not easy to really appeal to the Chinese leadership. The Commonwealth is deeply sincere about its democratic-economy, and can't really allow-in significant Chinese private business... only hoping that the Combine is similarly resistant!

It was no pain to the Commonwealthers to hear that China was more interested in the war, for now.

Portmeirion, Raipur

In time, Mr.Hu was met by an old legend of Commonwealth politics, the slightly mysterious Chivo, who arrived, as ever, dressed in a white-trimmed black suite without a tie.

Out in the middle of the Burha Talab -the aged lake- Portmeirion's island was a mini world, having buildings that resulted from ancient Hindi culture, and Muslim, along side even more ancient Celtic styles and more recent British colonial-influence, plus instances of modern art crafted with ancient skills never lost by the independent-minded Geletians.

The Commonwealth Final Senate seemed small. The face of the complex looked almost classical, but the detailing upon its masonry was fiercly independent of that influence. Inside, much of the facility was sunken, below the level of water in the surrounding lake. It was more grand than Versailles, and by an order of magnitude. In the Commonwealth, elsewhere precious stones and metals had only their limited industrial values to the ordinary person, and large ammounts were concentrated into state architecture. The building would probably have been worth hundreds of millions of dollars after a wrecking ball had been through it. Here an apple-sized ruby taken from Llewellyn, there two and a half tonnes of gold fashioned into a giant depiction of a citizen's assembly in the first years of the 1980s.

"We are hoping" started Chivo, after some formalities, "to organise referenda in the south of Bihar, first of all asking the liberated peoples whether or not they should like to reject the authority of the dictator, Patel, and join the Commonwealth.

"Should the results prove firmly negative, a second referenda will offer alternatives, such as incorporation into the Indian National Union. If this too is rejected, perhaps we shall find that Bihar wishes to attempt to build a new independent government.

"Of course..." he coughed, "...we... appreciate the Combine's internationalist spirit in attempting to help this process along by aiding in Patel's over-throw."

Chivo scratched his head, clearly not even trying to hide that the Commonwealth was, really, unhappy with Armandian intervention in spite of what he said.

Mr Hu was surprised by Chivo's and the Commonwealth's intention to follow through on the proposal suggest by the Combine's representatives earlier given the recent tension between the two nations, but he had the feeling that there would have been considerable support for anyone who knocked over Patel's government.

"On the issue of Bihar, Beijing will respect the outcome of any democratic referendum and our diplomats will follow through accordingly. We did not expect a declaration of war from the Combine." Hu says, hoping to clear the air of the misconception that the Chinese arranged ceasefire was for the Combine's strike.