NationStates Jolt Archive

Old Lusaka City, Old Lusaka Province, East Zambia and Zaire State, The United African Republic of Lusaka

With a population of 1.1million, Old Lusaka, once a regional capital of the Roycelandian Empire, was actually the Republic's second largest city, just ahead of New Lusaka though still not half the size of Dar es Salaam. Some of its finer colonial-era buildings were now being used to host Derek Igomo's Social Progress Party cabinate and the machinery of daily government as the President tried to remain relatively close to the action in Zimbabwe and West Zambia. One was set aside for use by Secretary of the Republic, Livingstone Miyanda, one of the few Maasai-origin Lusakans in government, who had been convinced not to return to the nomad game (his family briefly settled and tried to fit in after some near-deadly hostility surrounding the jealousy that can result from sharing one's wife with one's peers drove them out of their original community and forced a name change) and join the Republic at roughly the same time as he first encountered soft drugs.

Miyanda was quite popular, fairly intelligent but seriously spaced-out, a trusted member of the Social Progress Party's upper echelons, but not one of the true old-guard formed during the revolution, for he was simply too young to have taken part in any serious way during the late seventies. He was increasingly working behind his President's back as Mr.Derek spent more and more time resting or more heavily medicated than his stoned Republican Secretary.

This proposed meeting was perhaps the work of the experienced and forceful Colin Olongwe, but as Defence Secretary he was preoccupied with the war effort and had deputised Miyanda to initiate proceedings on his behalf. And that he did.

Though President Igomo was only aware of the fact and not behind it, City had extended invitation to Kinshasa for high security and as yet secret meeting in the Republic, at Old Lusaka, in what used to be a mansion belonging to a Roycelandian governor. Miyanda had a big agenda laid out.

The core of it was this: The African National Pact, initiated by General Tendyala along with President Mugabe, was not entirely a bad idea. It had just been in the hands of the the wrong men, one who was a young hothead for tomorrow and the other an old crackpot for yesterday, where it really is an issue of such importance that it must be handled by men in their prime today.

Secretaries Theodore Miyanda and Colin Olongwe and General Mshone Ndelebe were the right sort of men, were they not? And President Derek Igomo might still have wisdom to impart before his time passes for good. President Robert Mugabe should have been replaced years ago, and General Theodore Tendyala should not have tried to run before he could walk.

But the Lusakan Secretaries, and for the most part their President, did not seem overly hostile towards the men they criticised, especially considering that they were at war with one and had faced a coup lead by the other. They offered Mugabe a safe and dignified retirement -more than he'd have got if the Indians, Roycelandians, or others were left to liberate or imperialise Zimbabwe- and now, it would be revealed to delegates from the African Commonwealth, they did not even mean to execute or permanently detain Tendyala (who, last anyone knew, was actually in Zimbabwean custody, though one might expect them to try using his military flair to their advantage in the war), but to rehabilitate him into the Republic!

Yes, this would be a meeting of potentially great significance to Africa, that much was clear. Lusaka awaited confirmation of Kinshasa's interest in what Miyanda promised to make a trip well worth their while.

Angola, Burundi, Congo-Kinshasa, southern Republic of Congo and Rwanda, the Greater Democratic African Commonwealth and Republic

His benevolent excellency President General Ndelebe was in a great mood today, and media outlets shewed him wearing a smile fit for Mr. Derek Igomo himself! John Kufuor brung favourable tidings to the Commonwealth and would revitalize the economy, Rwandan troops would soon bring stability to Zambia; and now a pact to ensure lasting and righteous stability to Subsaharan Africa might be at hand! Yes, it was a good day.

While his excellency currently wishes to stay close to the "action" and personally oversee the current diplomatic processes in Kinshasa, it was instantaneously decided to dispatch Minister of Foreign Affairs and Second Vicepresident of the Commonwealth Booker Mbeki and most of his staff, to see the Lusakan leadership. If the meeting shows progress and promise, Ndelebe himself would be agreeable towards showing up.

A fighter-escorted "rotorcade" of AV-33 helicopters bearing the Minister is currently zooming towards Old Lusaka.

Booker Mbeki would be greeted by a friendly lock-on by Scavenger radar commanding a Lusakan LS-8 AFRISAM battery near the city, for which a bored young air defence recruit received a harsh slap around the back of the head, and then by an obviously tired armoured limo that carried him to the old colonial quarter for a meeting with Secretary Miyanda, one time Al Khali captive.

Formalities were largely dismissed. The meeting was secret-ish, Miyanda didn't feel like it was his project, and he was a pretty relaxed fellow to begin with. His feet were on the table when Mbeki was shown in, and the curtains were drawn most of the way, a good portion of the room's light being generated each time Livingstone took a drag on his inordinately large roll of mismatched papers.

Quite quickly the Secretary launched, well, stumbled into the core subject matter. It was the position of the Igomo Social Progress Party, now well established in the worthy crusade for African independence and unity, that an African National Pact organisation is fundamentally a good idea. Further, that such a pact should be re-established in short order, and as a result of this meeting.

The African National Pact should be created in secret with, at its core, the task of rebuilding and fully liberating Africa, however long it may take.

"We're the core of this" Miyanda said, waving his hand casually back and forth between himself -representing the UARL- and his guest -representing AC- "but it'll be a good thing when we carve things up and bring others on board later... when the fundamentals are set."

He was either confidently arrogant or just completely unlikely to be bothered by disinterest or hesistation from the Commonwealthers, but it was unlikely that the rest of the Lusakan government was so aloof about the project.

Mr. Booker Sese Mbeki wasn't an ascetic man, but the informal atmosphere and copious amount of weed-smoke miffed the relatively inexperienced statesman. He felt a slight dislike for the inebriated Miyanda, he himself did only indulge in beastly quantities of cigars and brandy when he had dinner with the President.

However, the man in front of him was an ally, and spoke of things that Bookers party, and the Commonwealth government in general, would all but soil themselves in ecstacy over. The African Commonwealth could contribute greatly to a pact of this kind, supplementing the Lusakan workforce and military with its high technological industry and advances in defense and health care. Whether such an alliance would eventually return Africa to the Africans, well, such things were not for him to divine right now.

He gave the matter a good deal a thought, not considering his stoned counterpart an impatient man, then spoke. "I feel that I can speak for his Excellency" - implying President General Ndelebe - "and the List for Unity, when I say that this is something we will stand together with Lusaka on. I also believe Kufour and the Westafrican Union will be agreeable when they consider the combined strength of our two nations."

With staff pattering about in the outer corridors as the building was reached by reports of progress in Zimbabwe and the danger of Zimbabwean troops destroying the bridge near Victoria Falls, Secretary Miyanda continued at his leisurely pace. As Mbeki's eyes adjusted to the low light and smokey atmosphere he might notice that Miyanda was not quite so young as most people imagined. Ask a Lusakan on the street and they'd tell you that young man was in his twenties, but it wasn't true, he'd passed thirty a few years ago, and not worn it terribly well. Posters and stock footage of the Secretary still used by state media depicted an incredibly tall, lithe, and quite handsome if somewhat boyish fellow with sharp eyes and a cheeky white grin. His eyes were now bloodshot and cloudy, teeth yellowing, and he was marked by his time in Al Khali custody in such a way as to make an observer reconsider their impression of him as soft. He'd endured a lot, even if he had taken it out on himself afterwards.

Miyanda finally spoke, saying that yes, the Republic did hope to win-over the West Africans quite quickly.

"First, since the character of that nation's administration, though we are hopefull for its... depth, remains unproven..." he mumbled, seeming to watch his smoke drift upwards, "City wants me to lay out our ultimate ambition, since we know you are receptive to at least the general idea of the pact."

Miyanda stopped for a minute, took his feet down from the table and even stopped smoking as he brought out a thin folder and composed himself.

"This... is a dossier sketched out in the past by Mr.Igomo and recently" he paused, "updated by the Social Progress Party. It outlines our aims in creating a new treaty between our two nations."

He withdrew a sheet of paper with a number of points presented in a fairly unassuming manner.

*The African National Pact should be here created anew and initially in secret and set to the task of rebuilding and fully liberating Africa, a mission that may take decades to complete.

*Zimbabwe should be brought under the interim administration of multi-national institutions and protected by local, Lusakan, Commonwealth, some WZ, and possibly UWA and even MozCom troops. Mugabe should be retired to any ANP nation in which he can be comfortable but containable for the remainder of his life. Tendyala should be taken into Lusakan custody and the potential for his reincorporation into the ANP's new vision assessed.

*West Zambia should be occupied by UARL and AC forces and UARL administrators (this has already begun and has some history dating to the 1980s) as part of the Zimbabwe war, the hunt for Tendyala-junta fugitives, and the rebuilding and open (limited) integration with UARL. Ultimately, WZ should be absorbed into the UARL.

*Zimbabwe should be joined to the UARL either in the very long term or, if conditions prove receptive, during or immediately following the retirement of Mugabe.

*The UARL Congolese province of East Katanga should be assessed in respect of the long-standing border dispute between UARL and AC, with a view to ending any possibility of future conflict over the estimated 15,000km2 territory and its 150,000 inhabitants; AC support of UARL ambitions in WZ and Zimbabwe should mean that resolution of Katanga question is to Kinshasa's full satisfaction.

*The Republic of Gabon should, since Roycelandian imperialisation of western Gabon, be brought under a more lasting and safe ANP mandate through stationing of limited/affordable multi-national units in RG to deter attack and the development of forward bases in AC to respond to attack.

*In light of what has happened in Gabon and elsewhere, it would be in Africa's interests to see weak Middle Congo and oil-rich Angola under established ANP protection, and given AC influence there the conduit through which ANP control should be exerted is clearly Kinshasan.

*The ANP should support the UWA government in its claims across West Africa against any external pressure or internal resistance groups, as required, through diplomacy, economy, and force.

*Mozambique should be engaged as potential ANP member by support of favourable elements in MozCom, exploitation of tensions with Moz-FS to encourage the rise of proper ambitions and commitment in MozCom, and eventual support of reunification under MozCom.

*ANP existance and/or ambition should remain classified, and members should individually consider membership of neutrality/non-alignment treaty in Yugoslavia to discourage imperialism by or reliance upon alien powers such as NATO/Prog-Bloc.

"I am authorised to begin negotiation over individual points and to provide more information on any of these." Miyanda finished, waving his hand idly up and down the sheet as he handed it to the Commonwealther.

Lusakan and African Commonwealth authorities attempting to establish terribly strong diplomatic ties with the Mozambique Commonwealth will find themselves well-recieved by a Prime Minister particularly given to flattery.

Leon Alberto, the sitting PM, has stated his commitment to establishing strong relations with Lusaka publically on numerous occasions, and is also quite in favor of the unification of Mozambique as soon as possible. Should diplomats from the ANP nations play on unification and security issues as reason for the Commonwealth to join up, they will probably be successful to at least some extent.

Raoul Domingos, while an admirer of Derek Igomo and Lusaka as a whole, felt that Mozambique should concentrate on its considerable domestic problems before involving itself to any great degree in international affairs. Neutrality and respectability was Raoul Domingos's foreign policy, and he tried very hard to establish friendly relations with Roycelandia as well as Lusaka, although it could be argued that friendly Roycelandian relations were more a defense against French, Spanish, Italian, or Russian imperialist intentions more than anything else. After all, with a military numbering all of 5,500 personnel, there isn't much that could be done in the event of an invasion.

And for the same reason, even the more Pan-Africanist Leon Alberto is quite apprehensive about upsetting the Mozambique Free State, rooted in a bloody separatist movement rather than a peaceful human rights organization.

That said, with the exception of FRELIMO and RENAMO politicians in the Commonwealth, most Parliamentarians in the ruling coalition government are supportive of using the CoMDF in peacekeeping operations and are already resolved to support the use of Mozambiquian troops in Zimbabwe.

Booker furrowed his brow, reading through it all; then excusing himself to call Kinshasa. Upon return, he seemed as calm as possible given the gravity of the things they would undertake. "I am empowered to negotiate as well. In the event that we reach an agreeable treaty, I can sign it as well, although I can well imagine that his excellency would like to do that."

Then he hatched the discussion over the things that weighed the most on his mind.

"Liberating Africa is a mighty fine sentiment, but a vague one. Will we as signatory be able to veto Lusakan efforts towards 'Liberation' and 'Rebuilding' if we cannot agree with it? Seeing as the Commonwealth will lend considerable resources to the Pacts initiatives, it must remain a democratic effort; at least among our two nations."

He paused and smiled, knowing that if any Commonwealth voters heard that one, it'd be political suicide. The List For Unity was a reform-friendly democratic party, or at least that was what it told its voters. He composed himself, and continued.

"Katanga is still a touchy subject, at least with the Secular Party, and it is unknown what kind of lengths they will go in parliament to keep its annexation by the Commonwealth as an issue. They have their fingers in the Manus Nigra, which," he suddenly blanched, then looked down and spoke on; "is no longer fully under the Presidents control. Their command of assassins and spies are regrettably a problem in this endeavour. However, I remain confident that we can sketch out a proper border, divide resources evenly, and then have some checkpoints for show - keeps the more vitriolic local patriots in line, eh?"

He chuckled briefly, unsure of how funny the situation really was; then went over the points that he knew his government would largely agree with:

"Re-militarization of Okondja and the rest of Eastern Gabon is a given, we have indeed been planning that for some time. We can also heartily agree that multi-nation Pact forces should be created and used for keeping the peace in Zambia and Zimbabwe - having fellow Africans from all over the continent guard ones home, rather than the specific nation that invaded and occupied it, will do the rebuilding effort much good. Hearts and minds, and all that."

"We will also clearly support Mozambique and the WAU against foreign involvement, and consider them potential members of the pact. We need all the countries we can get, on this one.

Now, as for keeping the whole shebang secret.. " He paused, looking puzzled, ".. is risky, at best. Our enemies abroad command some of the best spies in, well, the world; and if the pact is uncovered, the reputation of all of Africa may suffer. Well, more than it already does, haha, maybe it is not much of an issue?" He smirked. Then glossed over the more local problems.

"As for Angola, it is well under control. However, experience shows us that the foreigners will go to any length to mess up further annexation attempts by the Commonwealth; and this will complicate an eventual assimilation of Middle Congo. In Angola, irregular troops and mercenaries that were certainly not funded by local insurgents attacked our troops. Also, an entire firebase were destroyed by what was most likely a series of sofisticated long-range artillery shells. We still don't know what hit us, but intelligence suggest a high-tech United Elias naval stealth bombardment. Improvised bombs abound, it is practically Vietnam down there" he stated, drawing on the closest similar situation he had heard of," Also, Eduardo Santos and the Angolan government are possibly being spied on. If the imperialists react so strongly to the annexation of Angola, what might they not do in Middle Congo?"

He exhaled heavily, then looked up at Miyanda. "Have you perchance got a good strong brandy in this establishment?"

Miyanda nodded, and called out, loudly but far from clearly. Somebody understood at least part of what he shouted, and arrived with a tray holding drinks that were set down in the table before an apparently thoughtful Livingstone waved the helper away and the doors were shut once again.

"Veto?" He said, pausing for a moment before adding, "I'm not sure." without losing much of his relaxed aura. "Mr.Igomo doesn't imagine that free Africans could ever disagree over the liberation of the rest.

"I think the idea is that we have..." he paused with a crackling of his voice and rubbed his eyes before continuing, "...regular summits to decide policy and work out... the next course of action, you know." And then he mumbled a little of nothing.

"Katanga, yes, that's in there because City wants your support in West Zambia, which is also on your border, and in Zimbabwe, which has become... high profile. We've been avoiding the issue for as long as possible, and I think it has been realised that, though nothing much has changed, we aren't enemies anymore, you know? Katanga was only an issue for us when we looked at you as dangerous. Now, we don't care so much. Sometimes countries pick enemies because leaders don't get along personally, or because of tradition, habit... pride or something, I don't know. We've gone through too much, we don't want to fight about Katanga, again. We might give it up, give some of it up."

Miyanda had picked up a lemon that was amongst all manner of drinks and accessories on the tray, and was turning it around in his hands, picking off bits of the skin.

"Angola and Middle Congo are big steps to be taken in good time and after testing the ground, I think. We hope to secure the Lusakan objectives of West Zambia and Zimbabwe first... this is why Mr.Derek wants to put Katanga on the table, because we can't ask the Commonwealth to be so patient while we feast on the south and you wait. Once we have Zambia's copper... cobalt... gold, emeralds... uranium. Its power... and riches, and Zimbabwe's coal, and the Commonwealth has helped us to exploit these, and recover Zimbabwe's... great agricultural... potential..." he was actually starting to make quite forceful hand gesutres, almost appearing to grasp something in the air, "...we will have the energy, manpower, wealth, and supplies for... forceful and extensive... stamping of our independent African authority on Angola's oil, and Middle Congo.

"As to keeping the pact secret, I think... I think it is the ambition we want to hide, the drive, you know? Maybe we don't mind if people know about it [the ANP], we just don't want anyone to think it's a threat. If we can't keep it all hidden, we should come out with some of the facts, and use them to hide the truth. Give the people what they want: let the Roiks think it is a shambles, they will want to believe that. The French will tell them we can't do anything, we have Muslims and Protestants and atheists with black skin and no king running about all over the place... ah. You know what I'm saying?" He sat up a little, having apparently become uncomfortable in his slump. "If the pact looks like it is either just about Zimbabwe -we did sign it with them, in the first place- and the situation there, or if it looks like some dumb natives playing at NATO and not really having a purpose... maybe we will achieve much while they scoff, or laugh. You see? That is what... Igomo is thinking."

God, Lusakans had a frustrating way of speech. It wasn't just Igomo's stroke-induced difficulties, they very near all stopped mid-sentence to take a breather and think about the birds or some great mystery about which only they were informed. As the Republic became increasingly extrovert, its people would almost certainly gain a reputation because of these mannerisms.

((So, I wrote up a huge-assed reply, but jolt deleted it :( I know I should have re-written it, but I'm a bit worn out ATM. I'll get on it as soon as possible! ))

OCC: Chop chop, AC!

What am I paying you for? Slacking? I think not.

*Forgets that he's not paying AC*

Old Lusaka City

If Booker was greatly annoyed by his counterparts eccentricities, he gave no sign of this. He waved a hand in front of him as if to ward off some manner of annoying insect, and adressed the thing that concerned him the most.

"I have just received a message from his excellency. It appears that the Commonwealth has started a program to actively enrich weapons-grade uranium and build an arsenal of nuclear weapons. This means without a shade of doubt, that the reactors used will be needing the uranium resources in Katanga. As far as I understand the place accounts for more than half the worlds uranium resources." He frowned, then looked up at Miyanda. "I don't suppose we actually need to own Katanga to do it, but any settlement will have to include mining rights to the uranium fields if the Commonwealth is to sign it. Once that is taken care of, I can assure you that the Commonwealth Armed Forces will aid Lusakan operations in Zambia and Zimbabwe. In fact, I hear the Rwandan 15th Division is already preparing for a reinforced offense on a Zimbabwean-held bridgehead."

"As for the expansions, I assume we shall annex the Congos and Angola, then. But I warn you know, the rewards you speak of may not stand equal to the sacrifices we have to make to get them, at least not for some time."

He looked down at the sheet of paper earlier proffered to him, relieved to have the most pressing matters out of the way. Then he chuckled.

"I can readily accept your estimate of the French and Roycelandian reactions. I think it would be best if we were open about the pact and the fact that the Commonwealth signs to it. They'll think we have gone tajini in the head, trying to support two poor basket case nations." He coughed. "No offense meant."

"Summits are fine. I suppose we will take problems as they appear."


OOC> Sorry, massa! *toils* I accidentally re-wrote this post THREE times, and got it deleted all times because of that infernal time-out glitch.

The Lusakans, Miyanda would express, had no illusions about the pace of change. It was a quarter of a century since they'd driven out the Roycelandian Empire from what now constituted the United African Republic, and since then the cause of African liberation had lost as much as it had gained. It would be for the next generation to use the gains of this one in finally expelling the demons of foreign imperialism from the long suffering cradle of humanity.

The Secretary was quite encourged over Katanga. Lusaka had once, as recently mentioned, made limited progress in nuclear armament before giving-up the project as too difficult and expensive. Giving over that early research data along with free access to Katanga's uranium would apparently be quite useful to furthering the relationship, the cause, and the Commonwealth's own programmes. Doing it without transfering sovereignty of the Lusakan portion of Katanga would boost Miyanda's position in the eyes of an increasingly confused President who supposed that he would have to give-up the whole place.

"All right, my friend!" Said Miyanda, putting his big, boney hands on the table.

"We will allow Commonwealth concerns exclusive access to Lusakan Katanga's uranium reserves for the purpose of a nuclear research and development programme. I think that we would appreciate at least some Lusakan... local employment in this pursuit, even if just in surrounding industry or transport, something like that.

"Commonwealth forces in West Zambia will help to secure the bridgehead near Victoria Falls, and... we all shall secure Zimbabwe."

The Secretary went on like this for a while, trailing off with some talk of Yugoslavia and how much City was excited over trade, especially in arms technology, with that new nominally neutral state. Booker might even gather that the Republic intended to export AFRISAM in part of a scheme to see the Holy League's imperialists frustrated in Europe. "We hope to see you [the Kinshasa govt.] there [at Petrovaradin's talks]."

*inserts Federal Intelligence Bureau listening bug/tag