NationStates Jolt Archive

Azazian Broadcasting Network

Live Feed of Prime Minister Alistair Tetley's Second Inaugural Address to Parliament

Citizens of the United Kingdom, I come before you today both truly humbled by the choice of the plurality granting me the responsibility to govern, but also by the discontent the many of you have with myself if not the Democratic Socialist Party. However, this is an occasion for solidarity, not for party animosities, and I come to you, the people, under the flag of the United Kingdom, a kingdom uniting various nations, people, ideas, and philosophies.

Although this United Kingdom was born only a few years ago, the foundation for a united state was born in the earliest times of this archipelago, before European ships arrived with traders and settlers. The native Azazians had already established a vast trading empire among the many islands, linked together by a common goal: to advance the whole of the Azazian society through the benefits of commerce.

Since those simpler times very little has truly changed. The guiding principle of this United Kingdom is to spread peace and prosperity throughout the Pacific. A Pacific that includes these very Home Islands.

My government will seek to further integrate the outlying republics and colonies into the geographic centre of commerce that is to be found here in Imperium and across the straits and mountains in Breningrad. My government will seek fair trade deals with foreign powers that will benefit not just those foreign investors, but you, the mighty people of the United Kingdom.

In recent times we have seen the scythe of Death brought to our shores through the atrocities of Ares. And it is a fact that many of you have suffered from my decision to engage the United Kingdom in a war with a far smaller nation to our south.

Yet I will not run from this war as many would like me to do. And I urge you, the people, not to run from the legacy of this war as painful, as trying as it may very well be because the sacrifice of our brave soldiers, sailors, and airpersons must never be forgotten and must never be in vain.

The annexation of Novikov will continue. The annexation must continue. For without the resources of the Novikovians, the United Kingdom would soon wither and starve for as a people we have reached the limit of sustainability, a limit that must be grown no matter the cost.

And that war, so brutally and savagely fought by both sides, has indeed extended our limit of sustainability with new lands available for agriculture that will be protected by legislation from this Parliament. Additionally, our new colonies of Atlantis and Cordensa will provide fertile ground for even more agricultural production so long as we take care of those fields.

To that end, my government will seek to pass Legislation providing for far stricter regulations regarding environmental protection. For too long we have allowed our fisheries, forests and fields to be exploited beyond the point of repair. Such reckless environmental behaviour harms not just those fields and these skies and this water that we live in – but it also significantly damages the Azazian economy.

This coming year, over 200 million Credits will be spent cleaning abandoned mines in the central highlands of New Australia, mines that now leak toxic chemicals into the drinking supplies of nearby towns, increasing occurrence rate of cancer, cancers that sap over a billion Credits a year from the Treasury for both medical treatment and legal settlements from lawsuits. Some fisheries have also collapsed in the Indian Ocean, specifically the Andhar Fishery to the west of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The collapse of that fishery has left nearly 250,000 individuals dependent on seafood imported from various regions across the UK – shipping that costs that government millions of Credits that could be spent on revitalizing the local economy for those fishermen who have lost their livelihoods.

And that, those stories of lost livelihoods, of shattered lives and dashed hopes and dreams point to a systemic problem that this government must remedy before the whole of our economy collapses.

I recognize that many of you would rather see someone else here at this podium, delivering this speech, raising your spirits in these times of uncertainty. I recognize that many of you would rather see an upbeat, warm-hearted message to allay your concerns. But I am the man at this podium. And I cannot give that speech.

This United Kingdom faces many serious issues, issues that seriously divide this United Kingdom to the point where we witness race riots and assassinations of long-standing politicians who ultimately gave their lives for the country they so loved. And I will not stand idly by while this great society of ours continues to decay.

This government has been given a mandate by King and Country to solve these problems that threaten each and every last one of us from His Majesty in Newcastle to the lowliest immigrant down in Port Elizabeth. And I swear to you, the people, that on this day, I will make finding the solution to these problems, those enumerated here today and those well known but left yet unstated, I will make finding their solution my priority from the moment I rise in the morning until the moment I finally fall asleep early the next morning.

We are living in a moment of history that will forever be remembered for which path this government, this people, and this United Kingdom chose to take. I will strive to take the right path. And I ask of all of you, both at home and here in Parliament, for your help to set this ship of state once more on the right course.

Once more, I will thank all of you – not just those who voted for me, but all of you. For it is your act of voting as a concerned citizen, as a citizen of this United Kingdom. For it is the 78% of you who voted that lead me to believe that this United Kingdom can, and will, do better. It is within you that I place my trust, my hopes, my dreams for a better future; for even a Prime Minister cannot walk this path alone.

Thank you and God save the King.

[OOC: Yes, it's strange. I did a quick dialouge between Heartman, Borovic, and Gerchinkov as a way of showing my government's reaction to the new state of Azazian politics. I'll probably expand on it later. I know it's hard to follow with three people and all.]

“Hmm... He didn’t once mention Novikov out of the context of the war.” The conference room was empty, save the three men and a thick ring of smoke wafting between them an the small television set at the far corner of the room. Informal meetings like this had been commonplace in Novkiov prior to the war, and were now becoming one of the only way the tiny new government could gather to discuss policy.

“Just goes to show you the place we’re going to occupy in this United Kingdom of theirs.” Gerchinkov squabbled back at his superior’s remark, enthusiastically pessimistic.

“You’d think with a showing like his party just made that he’d be a bit more careful regarding us.”

“What do you mean, regarding us? We’re his greatest accomplishment.” Someone had to offset Gerchinkov’s lack of optimism, and besides, Prime Minister Borovic wanted to believe things could get better.

“Our sorry lot? No, we’re his greatest upset. Our rye fields – that’s his greatest accomplishment.” Hearman agreed with Gerchinkov’s solemn sentiment for once.

“What’s it matter, they’ve got power over everything now.”

“Not necessarily.” Heartman was playing devil’s advocate now. “We can always exert pressure by redirecting agricultural subsidies if they begin privatization or suspend freedom of protest.”

“And what good is that going to do anyone? We’ll just commit political suicide and force them to bring in more troops. In the end that will just delay our move to a free republic. Plus haven’t you heard, with the events in Grozny, we’ve practically suspended the right to protest all on our own.” Borovic, the voice of reason.

Again from Gerchinkov. “Only because they won’t send in any policing units. They’re content to let the city burn, and we have to use less than desirable methods to stop that from happening.”

“The presence of the army is only driving more people to the streets, but yes, our new masters are being a bit lethargic on this one.”

“Politics, my friend, all politics. They can’t afford one more dead until after the elections.” Heartman. He knew the most about the inner workings of the English-born Azazian state than did anyone else in the room. Still, he thought, the others should have understood that much just form their own experience.

“And neither can we.”

“But that doesn’t matter to them. Anyone we put in power will likely be a nuisance to them.”

“Why not just dispose of us then?”

“Politics. Do you really think they can risk an outright rebellion at this stage of the annexation. We would throw them out of Czechzenia in an instant, and unify both political factions against them.”

“You call Kacnerova’s rabble a political faction?”

“More so than you’re bloody ZSSP [Zltá Socialistická Strana Politick – Yellow Socialist Party]. At least she has a good slice of the southern demographic.”

“And I control the entire Prostéjov area.”

“What does that say about you? Kacnerova has around 150 million supporters. What do you have; a winning majority in one city? Maybe 27 million in the whole nation?”

“And the LDSP [Liberalná Demokratická Stana Politick – Liberal Democrat Party] still is the party of Ulyanov. How do I compete with that? Just that name draws 300 million to the polls.”

“You campaign with something other than a boyish face and pseudo-Marxism.” The Prime Minister had a point.

“Cut your hair too.” Heartman, always the proper one, suggested. “You’re not a student at the Štátna Univerzitný anymore.”

“I’m twenty-six, and I’m sitting with you fine gentlemen as one of Novikov’s leading political figures. That’s enough to show that something I’ve done has worked. And as for the pseudo-Marxism quip, I’m more apt to survive this new government if I don’t ally myself with the Reds.”

“Komunista too.” Borovic leaned over and jabbed his cigarette at Gerchinkov, making a useless point that much clearer.

“That’s the problem. The Azazians are going to wipe out Novikovian-Marxism before they finish with us. Did you see the reports? They want us to begin privatizing industry already.”

“Bloody hell, if they try that they’ll have to call in the army.”

“They have the gall to call our economy inferior. Tetley said it himself.” Gerchinkov was genuinely offended at this.

“It’s a knee-jerk reaction. He has to use something to justify the war, so he uses economic inferiority.”

“Bad idea for him to play the blame game between different brands of Socialism when we have as much support as we do in that matter.”

“I know. Maybe I’ll have to send him a memo. If he keeps talking down on our people, he’s asking for a revolution.”

“Politics are different over there.”

“Always politics, Heartman? Enough with that already. Make them play our game for once.”

“Well I can’t help but sympathize.”

Would he never quit his blabbering? Sometimes Borovic wondered if Heartman was on his side or theirs. “It doesn’t matter if you sympathize. It’s in nobody’s interests to see continued dissent in places like Grozny, and I don’t think public opinion here will change any time soon. He has to be the politician north and south of the Bedric-divide now.”

“Fair enough. What do we tell him?”

“Tell him nothing. Request that he speak of Novikov in a more positive light and as an actual pat of the United Kingdom lest he highlight the divide that exists between us anymore than he needs. Also caution him that we will need his support in order to maintain order in the south and to keep a government in place which can support the United Kingdom.”

“Tell him to save our ass then.” From Gerchinkov, the realist – figures.

“Tell Cahill too. If the option is between the ZSSP/LDSP Union or the Nezavistá Vlastenec [Free Nationalists], I’ll do anything to keep Kacnerova out of power.”

“I’ll wager they will too.”

Imperium, Republic of New Britain

The first rays of sunlight had yet to creep between the pillars of glass that spiraled upwards from the political centre of the United Kingdom, but Tobias Heath plucked the burnt bread from the toaster nonetheless. I’ll just have the Mess cook something up… he muttered in frustration. While able to bend the wills of politicians all across the country from cities to farms from rich to poor, he had yet to figure out the complex machinations of the polished metal toaster that sat on his granite countertop. Like any good citizen, however, Heath had long ago mastered the art of boiling water in which he had been brewing the tea, the sweet scent of which now wafted through the compact kitchen in the 7th floor penthouse apartment in Walkerton, an upscale residential district where most MPs and head government officials kept their Imperium places of residence.

From the other room, separated by a bar tabletop, an alarm began to shrill with its volume increasing by the second. Heath replaced his tea, half prepared with the bowl of sugar now resting on a book that sat upon the counter, and hurried out to toggle the little switch that would restore the quiet stillness of the predawn hours where life was sensible, rational, and orderly. Nevertheless, serenity with his job could only be very shortly lived, and dumping his tea into a travel mug, Heath grabbed his briefcase and headed out the door to the armoured sedan waiting in the parking garage.

While most people living in the hyper-urbanized areas like Imperium relied on the quick, efficient, and even affordable mass transit systems, the important political figures could often afford private transport and the tolls required to access the thoroughfares throughout the capital city. Despite the relatively few people on the road with automobiles, in a city where the population rose into the double digits of millions, even a relative few meant traffic headaches.

Across the city, already in his new office, Iain Bashir moved a pen around his desk, mocking the concept of Feng Shui while seriously trying to find the best place for the gift from his parents. Sitting atop his desk to protect the antique wood was a laminated map of the United Kingdom, in particular the dependent territories and crown colonies scattered throughout the globe. Today was his first as the new Minister of Colonial Affairs, having replaced the former holder of the office who, like so many of Tetley’s cronies, had simply been voted right on our of their offices. The descendant of an Arab merchant who had settled in the north and English settlers, Bashir owned a darker, more olive-skin complexion with black hair and stunning brown eyes. A youthful MP, he also sported boyishly attractive looks with a strong, angular jaw and a soft, sweet-sounding voice.

Bashir had come from relative obscurity to manning a potentially great post within the Tetley Cabinet. Originally a no-name MP, Bashir had openly challenged the Democratic Socialist Party and government amidst the claims of racial prejudice in the Tetley administration – wining him more national support and the national spotlight. Had Tetley chosen to ignore him, the government would not last long out of popular distrust. Sure, the Prime Minister would not appoint him Deputy or even head of Foreign Affairs, but Colonial Affairs would leave him great power to rule over the new colonies of the Kingdom. With a knock on the door his chief of staff entered and placed a piece of paper on his desk. Welcome to the big leagues, sir.

What is this? Bashir asked, picking the paper up, reading it over as quickly as possible

A formal request received by Governor Cahill in Novikov.

Mm hmm. Bashir replaced the paper on his desk. Cahill had been given a memo by William Heartman, a member of the Novikovian Prime Minister’s inner circle and Emissary to the Royal Governor; a memo that requested toning down the Prime Minister’s rhetoric regarding Novikov in comments to the press – among other things. Victoria, I need you to get me a meeting with… I assume Heath stayed while Robertson went?

Yep.

Alright, a meeting with Tobias later this morning.

Indeed, sir.

As Heath walked into his office, he found his secretary already waiting for him with a stack of documents. For God’s sake, I’m just getting in, can’t I sit down first?

Sure thing. His secretary followed him into his office, watching him throw his sports coat on the coat rack and placing his briefcase next to his desk. He poured himself a glass of water from his private mini-refrigerator and then threw himself into the chair. The secretary threw the stack on the desk. Heath glared up at the woman.

You said first thing. She stated while turning to leave.

Heath picked up the folders, mostly dealing with economic figures and statistics on the Azazian economy and its eventual rebound. The United Nations had rated the country in the top half a percentile in terms of fastest growing economies, picking up two places since the last such report. There were a few reports on the progressing in the new colony of Cordensa as well as one on Port Elizabeth. Parliament would begin preparing to legislate on gay marriage while the applications to the Union of World Powers found itself being held up by Sarzonian opposition in reference to the perceived imperialistic annexation of Novikov. All in all, a light day.

At the bottom of the pile was a note that he had a meeting, first thing, with the new Minister of Colonial Affairs. That Bashir kid as Robertson liked to call him. Something about Novikov. Heath presumed that the young minister was already on his way over and set about to tidy his office for the day, clearing the clutter from the previous night’s work into manageable piles that he would sort through during the rest of the day.

Half an hour later, having turned to intelligence reports on the continuing war against AMF, Heath heard a familiar knock on the door with his secretary appearing once more. Tobias, the Minister of Colonial Affairs is here.

Send him in, and shut the door.

Bashir walked into the office and found Heath standing to shake his hand. Good morning, Tobias, how are you?

I’m fine, sir. I’m fine. Congratulations, by the way, it’s good to see you. How are things with you?

Just dandy actually. I have a much nicer office now than this time last years. Regular old MP offices are really quite bland you know.

Tell me about it, I practically lived in one while the Prime Minister was a regular old MP. But what can I do for you today?

It’s about Novikov. Bashir handed over the piece of paper he had read earlier this morning and remained quiet while Heath pulled out his reading glasses and breezed through the document. Finally, Heath looked up over the top rim of his glasses and looked straight at Bashir.

Is this Heartman character kidding? Heath pulled off the glasses with one quick movement and lightly tossed them on his desk. I mean for Christ’s sake, have they no concept of politics down there? It’s called an inaugural address. The Novies didn’t vote for Tetley, so why in the bloody hell would Tetley pamper to their feelings in his speech.

I know, sir. But nonetheless, Heartman did make it rather clear that we’ll quickly lose the support of the Novikovian Parliament if this rhetoric continues.

No kidding. Heath paused, running over a few options in his head while Bashir sat in silencing observing the flow of folds and changing crags while Heath thought long and hard. Alright, this is what we’ll do. Have Cahill sit with Borovic, explain to him that the Prime Minister does not intend on referring to Novikov as a conquered territory because he views the Novikovian people as offering enormous potential to the cultural, scientific, and political societies of this United Kingdom, a kingdom already consisting of numerous cultures with numerous ideologies, philosophies, et cetera. Make sure that Cahill gets this point across, that the inaugural address is one of the more politicized speeches in the UK political process and so the PM cannot appear weak on the rogue actions of Novikov’s former Prime Minister. Also let Borovic know that in addition to Cahill we’ll be sending the Deputy Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer down at some point in the coming weeks to discuss with the Novikovian PM the details of the plans for reconstruction and privatization of the Novikovian economy.

Is that all, Tobias?

For now. I’m going to be speaking with the Prime Minister in a few hours and I’ll bring this up with him. For now though, go with this. Just make sure you get the point across to Cahill that Borovic needs to understand that the United Kingdom is a democratic state rife with ridiculous politics, politics that mandated that for the elections the DSP separate Novikov from the United Kingdom. But now that they’re over, that will be changing fairly rapidly. That’s it, sir.

Thanks, Tobias. If you’ll excuse me, I’ve got to get back to my office and call the Royal Governor.