NationStates Jolt Archive

OOC:
As it says in the title this is a closed RP for memebers of the Modern World group, comments are of coruse welcome.

IC:

Government house, Lilongwe, Strathdonia

The darkened meeting room was very quiet as the young intelligence officer finished the initial section of his briefing. The silence was interrupted as Donald Livingston, the Strathdonian President, leaned forward and asked:

“So how long have we known about the problems within the Simbanian administration, and why are we only hearing of them now?”

“Well sir, we got our first traces of financial irregularities about 3 years ago, about 2years before the death of Uuka Runako. At the time the signals we were getting didn’t indicate any major funding shifts outside the usual personal nest feathering common in the region. This however changed significantly about the time of the president’s demise, we started picking up fairly large transfers heading out to off shore accounts. We unfortunately didn’t have anything concrete but we were able to apply more assets to getting into their finance ministry. Last week we finally cracked it and discovered the true extent of the problem.”

“So effectively you are saying that all the funds the Simbanians have received both from us and from port revenues has simply vanished?”

“Yes sir, we have traced most of it to various Roycelandian off shore accounts, not too surprising as the Roiks are well known for their “welcoming” banking practises.”

“Bloody Roiks they’re like the Swiss but without the charming clocks or decent chocolate.” Cursed the president as he took time to think. “So what’s the outcome of this mess?”

“Our sources have reported that in order to try and paper over the cracks the Simbanians have been printing money at a great rate of knots are about set to enter a period of free fall inflation. Despite the best efforts of what decent employees the government has they will be totally bankrupt in about a month, they may be able to function for another 2 or 3 after that if they divert all funding to keeping the security forces paid. After that there will be no functioning central control and the various opposition factions such as RENAMO and FRELAMO will likely enter into a armed contest for control over what remains, we have some hints of other less appealing elements working their way into position, particularly a rather powerful organisation we believe to be linked to some of the Al-Khals bombings.”

“What about our assets? The Livingston line and Quelimane harbour?”

“While Quelimane is one of the more secure areas of the country I doubt it would be able to resist taking some disruption in any trouble phase, the Line would also be hideously vulnerable to blockades and robbery”

“Well I guess that forces our hand.” Mused Livingston as he turned to a grey haired and weathered many in military uniform and spoke, “ Well General what sort of options do we have?”

“Well sir,” replied the grizzled old Scot, “you will be aware of the plans for operation March I take it?”

“Yes I am aware of the Op. March plans, but I certainly don’t think a full scale counter invasion is what we are looking at.”

“True but I would point out that as part of Operation March we had planned to drop the parachute regiment on Quelimane and Beira which I think would give us a good start here. Beira would remain a secondary objective once we have control of Quelimane and the northern branch line, this we can achieve by dropping the 1st and 2nd para battalions on the city and airport and then pushing a couple of battalions from the 2nd light brigade, 3rd and 4th brigades of the Greys and a couple of territorial battalions down the rail ways securing towns as we go.”

“So in effect we will be annexing a corridor straight through the middle of the country?”

“Yes sir, that would be the long and short of it. We can have the forces brought to 3days readiness with the ghost ready to go in immediately.”

“Ok I want a full briefing on their defensive forces by tomorrow morning, the ghosts have authorisation for recce work only and are as of this moment fully deniable and I want the task force ready to go in as soon as the situation starts to escalate”.


OOC:
Basically those of us from the SSA region are tryign to make an RP out of Simba getting deleted.
feel free to interfer but we would be obliged if we could keep the battleships out of it...

Expect a response soon

"Three qualities make a good army; Obedience, Obedience, Obedience!"

Colonel Raphael Camillo addresses his army in Pemba, the capital of Cabo Delgado. The army, or rather the 500-man capital regiment, the best equipped troops in the Cabo Delgado armed forces. With their AMX-13 tanks and ERC-90 armored cars, they have made a good showing in battles against rebel forces in the west of the country, and in fighting with Niassan forces.

And in all probability, the capital regiment will lead the colonel's little adventure into Niassa.

The soldiers shout "Vivo o Coronel" for a while, and then drive off to the barracks in their vehicles, a rare sight given the chronic shortages of gasoline.

Bilssfully unaware of Strathdonian intentions, Camillo stands proudly on the reviewing platform, surrounded by bodygaurds. He envisions imself taking Maputo one day, but that vision is remote at best.

Inside of Pemba proper, an AML-90 speeds down Napoleon street, obviously in a hurry. A grand total of eight policemen ride the armored car, carrying a mixture of revolvers, ingram SMGs, and FN-FAL rifles.

The car swerves and speeds down an alleyway, and stops in front of an average-looking building. The police jump off, and four officers storm into buildings on each side of the street.

"Raoul! The police are here!"

Raoul Domingo rolls out of bed just as the police burst through his front door. The shouts of the anxious officers can be heard downstairs as Raoul's mother, father, and wife try to stall them. He grabs a pair of shorts and a t-shirt, and then dives out his bedroom window, a briefcase handcuffed to his wrist.

He lands on the adjoining roof, and runs across that, the train tracks in sight not half a kilometer away.

IC:
20,000ft above the Strathdonia/Simba border

Even in the height of the African summer, the night air at 20,000ft was still cold and Sgt Mjr Armstrong was rather glad of his insulated jump suit as he sat and considered this latest operation.

A rap on his helmet from the jump master took him out of his introverted state.

"Thats us across the border, we should be on the drop zone in about 20 mins stadn by to get ready!" Yelled the Crewman through the radio, battleing agaisnt the noise of the transport's engines.

"Righty Oh, cheers for that chief" replied Armstrong as he made a final check of his gear before shouting at the ret of his team.
"Ok you bunch of Muppets time to earn your danger pay! make your final checks and stand by for drop in 20!"

In the back of the old soviet transport the small 8 man team of Strathdonian Ghosts (so named due to thier grey camo patern as much as the type of job they carried out) made alst minute checks to their gear ebfore getting upa nd standing ready a the rear of the aircraft.

On reaching the dropzone the jump master opened the door and started back slapping each Ghost out of the aircraft.

After departing the aircraft each jumper opened his High Altitude High Opening (HAHO) parachute and began to the glide in to thier landing zone. With it's cargo delivered the AN-26 continued on its previosuly filed flight plan, heading for Maputo airport with a regular delivery of machine parts, ordered for the railway.

On landing the Ghosts split into 2 teams of 4 and made thier way towards Quelimane to make preperations for an eventual para landing of frontline Strathdonian soldiers.

Private Residence of Minister Dammar, Al Wahdah district of Baghdad

A polite servant showed him through the elegant foyer and across the intrictately carved marble floor into a study adjacent to what was clearly a ballroom. The study itself, relatively large, with windows overlooking the small, but formal garden, and towering mahogany book cases stretching from floor to cieling. He was invited to sit on an armchair as afternoon tea, complete with Arab coffee, dates and some small sugary, pastry things he couldn't remember the name of. Cordially he asked if tea with milk would be possible, and the servant looking at him like the foreigner he was, but obliged his request.

On the other side of the room, a vast mahogany desk, its surface immaculate, with few papers, other than those filed in creme folders, government issue. Behind the desk, and flanking a french window, a pair of national flags decoarted with gold fringe and tassles.

After five minutes, in which he had recieved his tea, the double doors swung open again, and Minister without portfolio Maher Dammar entered, a sharp black suit accentuating his youthful appearance. He was escorted into the room by another man, older and distinguished, who carried a leather briefcase.
He stood and extended a hand of greeting, "Your Excellency."

"Mr. Kayerts, thank you for coming on such short notice."

"I prefer Kurtz if you please."

"Yes, of course Mr. Kurtz, please resume your seat." Ths Minister settled onto an armchair opposite his, each either side of the coffee table. Much to his suprise the man, who he presumed was an assitant, was not introduced but took position on the other side of the room. He had not heard much about Dammar, other than he had been Ambassador to the Trucial States before being appointed a Presidential advisor on foreign policy, and then, quite recently a Minister. His father was a director of Elias Petroleum, and a younger brother was serving in the Army, probably special forces. According to the one or two people he had asked upon hearing of his summons, Maher Dammar was as close to the President as anyone, and would likely replace Zaki Mohammed as Foreign Minister when he finally resigned, or more likely died. "Now Mr. Kurtz, first of all I apologise for terminating the Cabinda mission prematurely, and I assure you that we commend the execution of it by you and your men. However, Cabinda seems to be a lost cause, and although we still intend to be a nuisance to the Commonwealth, your expertise are required elsewehere...Now, I trust you are informed of the emerging financial crisis in Simba-Mozambique?

"Yes Your Excellency, of course, I read all the Intelligence Breifings on the flight from Libreville, and my own contacts have provided me with additional, somewhat speculative predictions of what might happen once the government stops being able to pay its troops."

"Excellent, well, to get right to the point since neither of us has time to waste, I want you to go to Maputo. We have diplomatic representation there, its a small delegation though, just a trade office really. Anyway the Charges D'Affaires will help you, and you will help him, but you do not work for the Elias Government and you won't have diplomatic status, especially since your not even an Elias citizen. Without alerting the authorities, start making connections, find out what is going to happen, and we assume a civil war will follow so find factions that we would want to form a new government. Funding will be done in the usual way, and you will hear from us when we want you to make contact with the Strathdonians or Roycelandians who will inevitably become involved."

"Walk in the park, and I haven't had a chance to practice my Portuguese recently, but if I may be permitted to ask, why I am having this meeting with you?"

"The President has asked me to, informally, handle this situation, and unlike the last operation, it makes sense to have someone more senior controlling it."

"Last time I didn't know who was controlling the operation, I got money sent to me and I fought a war, no problem. Total denability for you."

"Well, there is still deniability, and I assure you that its not in my interests to micromanage your operation, sometimes after all it is better not to know." With these words the Minister rose and left the room abruptly.

The man on the other side of the room then took the Minister's place without introducing himself, "The paperwork, please sign this new contract."

Kurtz studied the document, checking the payment plan, being a 'consultant' for Echelon Ventures Inc was certainly a lucrative job. He signed at the bottom, and handed the mystery man the papers.

"Thank you, now here is your new passport, you are Charles Fitzgerald Roberts, a British citizen from Aldborough, Suffolk. You have valid visas for not only Simba but Roycelandian East Africa, Strathdonia and Al Khals. Also in that envelope is some currency, and your tickets, you're flying out tonight on the Elias National Airlines flight to Mobassa, and then Imperial Airways to Maputo in the morning. A Federal Intelligence Bureau case officer will give you some other things when you get to REA. Is there anybody from the last assignment you will want to use again?"

"Yes, my assistant Makola, and a few of the Congolese mercs that proved comitted in Cabinda, they're all in Brazzerville awaiting word."

"No problem, I'll get onto someone at the Embassy there to arrange travel to Maputo. I believe that is all...Good Luck Mr. Kurtz, Insh Allah."

"Raoul Domingo! Stop or we will shoot!"

The police storm up into Raoul's room, and catch sight of him jumping across the roofs of adjacent buildings. The policemen try their best to hit him as he finally reaches the railroad tracks. A freight train rumbles past, slowly picking up speed, and Raoul runs alongside.

"Stop that train!"
"What?!?!"

Raoul grabs hold of a railing and pulls aboard the train, headed south towards the larger rail junctions to Strathdonia and the other bordering countries. He pulls out a list hastily written on a scrap of a notepad.

Step 1: Overthrow Camillo.


Meanwhile, Colonel Camillo has plans of his own. By daybreak, the Capital Division is loaded onto trucks and driven west, armored elements leading the convoy. Overhead, his airforce, consisting of four Hawker Hunters and two Mirage IIIs as well as a handful of Alouette IIIs, heads towards the border loaded with rockets and bombs.

Kingstowne, Cape Verde Islands

"Sooner or later, someone's going to wonder where all their money went" explained a Banking Official to Sir Arnold Rimmer, head of the Bank of Cape Verde Islands.

"Let them wonder. We're not going to tell then" Sir Arnold explained as he put down his cup of coffee.

Port Imperial, Roycelandian East Africa[[

"The situation in Mozambique is deteriorating, with allegations of Money Laundering in the Roycelandian Colony of the Cape Verde Islands pushing the country's government to the verge of Bankruptcy..."

Governor-General Fry switched the TV off. "Ideas?"

"We need to help the Strathdonians secure the railway line and the port." piped up Lt. Governor Kiff. "Maybe detail some of the Colonial Guard?"

"Good idea. Ask the Strathdonians if they're interested..."

Maputo

The taxi ride through Maputo had confirmed his suspicions, there was an atmosphere of the surreal. There was the usual hustle and bustle, almost chaos typical of an African city, but it was superficial. He could feel that there was a deeper, almost invisible veil of consternation that hung like smog over the inhabitants, who knew that their lives would change, and in most cases worsen, at least while their nation decided its destiny. The taxi driver had been cordial, divulging his deep resentment of the government who had stole his money, who had mismanaged his country and who in his eyes had worsened the prospects of his children. Whilst shambolic bands of policemen seemed to be everywhere they made no effort to prosecute the increasing number of locals who were openly carrying knives, machetes and even guns. It was only a matter of time until the cops disappeared altogether and the looting began, and the people would have to prepare to defend themselves and their property.

The Elias Diplomatic Mission, located along a wide, but not particulaly major avenue quite close to the city centre, was discreet. The 1970s era office building, seemingly shoved between two equally non-descript concrete montrosities, had no flag outside, no emblem, and only distinguishable by a set of highly temporary looking concrete slabs, acting as barricades to keep cars and more importantly car bombs away from the entrance. As the taxi stopped he handed the driver a wad of local currency, seeing that the tariff card was written in pencil so it could be changed daily.

Mr. Kurtz pushed open one of the double metal doors into the lobby, immediately struck by a cool blast of air conditioning. Between the doors and the elevators there was a metal detector and X-Ray machine. An Elias Army soldier in an olive green dress uniform, one of two who guarded the lobby, immediately advanced on him.

"Can I help you?"

"Yes Sergeant, I'm Mr. Roberts here to see the Charges D'Affaires." He quickly flashed his British Passport, confirming his identity.

The NCO checked a clipboard, ticking off an entry, "Yes Sir, please remove all metal objects and give me your briefcase." The officer put the case through the machine and returned it to Kurtz, "Sir, go ahead, second floor."

Just over an hour later, Kurtz returned downstairs, with a new set of documents to read and with some potentially useful information. The Charges d'Affaires had been courteous but not convivial, obliging but not really supportive. He guessed the old bureaucrat suspected foreigners and resented Ministerial directives, but either way he'd got what he wanted.

He walked back across the sparse lobby, and was once again approached by one of the guards, "Sir, we have a car outside for you."

He exited the building, and sure enough a black suited driver wearing an Arab headdress and aviators was standing on the sidewalk, next to a Black Mercedes Sedan of early 1980s vintage, probably a 300 model.

"Mahaba, tasharrafna Mr. Roberts. I am told you want to go North?"

He nodded, "Na'am minfadlik, that was most efficient."

IC:
Flying high above Lake Nyasa the Big Sunderland Flying boat made a elegant statement of the power of man over nature but within the cabin the power of surprise over rationality was much more evident.

"Contact, multiple fast movers, bearing 045, range 270 klicks and closing!" yelled the radar operator as he suddenly picked up faint traces at the edge of the search water radar's coverage.

"Copy that sparky!" replied the pilot who then switched chanels to the onboard intel officer.
"Spooks! any word of the cubs having plans or fuel to pull any exercises?"

"None on my schedule, i'll giver HQ a hollar but i doubt they'll have much for us."

"You do that, and while you're at it see if you can get a few jet jockeys to help us feel better."

SDF HQ
"Thats the story sir, one of the Sunderlands picked up traces of what appeared to be low flying jets at the very edge of thier scan range they didn't come any closer than 250km and seemed to be concentrated over the main road west from Marrupa, we don't know for sure what was happening but this wasn't soemthing Simba central command authorised that we do know." Answered the Air Defence Force officer as he breifed his superiors on the day's events.

"Thank you Captain that will be all." spoke the Senior general in dismissal and as the junior officer left he turned to the rest of the members of the meeting.

"So it looks as though the glue has finally lost all hold. We did have a few hints that the local commander, a certain Colonel Rapheal Camillo, was begining to think outside the box but we weren't expecting anythign so soon. This might just be what tips things over the brink so i think we should be bringing our plans forward 24hrs."

"What about the Roiks? we have had some feelers from them about helping out."

"While i'm pissed off at how thier intel weenies got wind of our intentions i will admit thier firepower would be welcome. However i'll have to leave that up to the politicis and the president to decide what to accept."

OOC: I may have been stretchign thigns a little to have TCB's jets picked up by my rudimentary AWACs (a sunderland with the radar from a AEW seaking bolted on) If so i might have to make the sunderland do a bit of intruding...
As to the actual strengths of the Simba armed forces i not sure weither to use the real life levels of raise them a bit for AMW purposes...

The Niassan border guard is surprised to hear the sound of jets overhead, and even more surprised to hear the detonation of bombs in the distance.

"Must be on excersizes," says one guard.

Unbeknownst to the border troopers, who were helping to prop up the status quo, more or less, the ill-fated air strike is part of Raphael Camillo's attempt at unifying Mozambique under his authority.

After the collapse of central government in Maputo, the former Simba had existed in its respective administrative divisions, with local governors and councils acting as the heads of their small, more or less independent nations.

Not ten kilometers away, a line of Delgadan regulars refuses to budge.

"We won't throw our lives away for that godforsaken colonel!" shouts a lieutenant at his commanding officer, from atop an Alvis Saracen. The entire column sits on the road, and troops mill about, their FN-FALs within reach in case anything gets out of hand. The Lieutenant's 7.7mm machine gun causes Major Augusto a considerable amount of worry, especially since its his head on the chopping block unless he gets the column moving.

"I'll tell you what. How about we go west?"

It is a crazy idea, but it has potential, thinks Augusto. After all, being the primary assault column, the key element in Camillo's personal military strategy, a crude adaptation of blitzkrieg tactics, there's a good 1,500 relatively well-armed troops focused in the immediate area.

"Ok."

Well, that was easy.


Meanwhile, Raoul Domingos slips back into Cabo Delgado. Clinging to the top of a boxcar, the leader of the Mozambique Democracy Party makes a rather dramatic entry into his city of birth, leaping onto a low rooftop, and avoiding serious injury by sheer luck.

OOC: Roycelandia has offered to help in any way, so all you need to do is give the word and we can provide Colonial Guard to back up Strathdonia's forces...

(For a while I couldn't quite decide whether to put this here or in the thread already dealing with God's Spear-related issues, but what the hey, I'll go with this one.)


Via'di'arl
Some weeks earlier...

"I am telling you this is so. My father's preachings... to friends only, so far, have taken a turn. He worked so hard to plan the motorcycle attack, he was sure it would awaken the people... and when we did the Royce embassy he thought that people were joining as planned... those other blasts down at Khalsabad got him really excited. He was rushing around like a man possessed, raving about the revolution like the mad old fool he is."

"Yes, we still have no leads on those [the Khalsabad bombings], by the way."

"Maybe a nuthouse overheard his speeches... I don't care. He's changing scope, I'm telling you. When it got quiet, he lost his wild shine. He's been talking about how the people have abandoned the cause... God... corrupted like the rest of us... because they haven't 'continued' rising-up. Then last week, up in Njombe (http://forums.jolt.co.uk/showthread.php?t=370982&page=3)... his first strike, in Kilwa Kivinje, was against the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus, something obviously connected to the 'corrupt' democratic government. We did the Roik thing and God knows who attacked our oil, but it wasn't him."

"So?" Amid Sani Amir bit into an apple as he grunted, obviously a little distant from Adil bin-Dhul-Fiqar al-Gharndi's words.

"So Njombe was targetted against a freaking bus station at rush hour! I'm telling you, my... the old man's turned on everyone, everyone! They're all guilty for losing interest in the revolution. That's what I'm saying to you, he's been ranting about how changing governments all the time, drinking, jetting abroad, chasing money and women... God knows, everything he can think of... he's ranting against it all, saying it's given people short attention spans, made them forget they're Muslims. Everyone's a target."

Amir grunted, again. He didn't want to get up and tell anyone about this, open a new branch of this or write a report on that, he was tired. "Everyone? What can he do, kill everyone outside God's Spear?"

A long silence followed in which Adil's expression did not fill Sani with confidence. "Oh, God! You're serious?..."

As the realisation dawned, a familiar figure filled the doorway, prompting Amir to leap from his slouch and snap a salute while bin-Dhul-Fiqar stood to respectful attention.

"It sounds like we have something, Amid."

"Sir? Yes, sir..." Sani replied with an almost disbelieving sideways glance towards al-Gharndi.


Masasi, southern Al Khals
Earlier this week...

Daniel Mtango made that clucking sound appropriate to somebody reading a newspaper article on the growing troubles across the border.

"Trouble brewing in Simba, eh?" Said his friend, who has just arrived at the newspaper stand.

"Hey, man. Yeah, I wonder..."

He was cut-off by a scream as half the people on the street reacted to the tossing of a grenade into their midst, dashing to what they took to be the most obvious cover. Their horror was increased and then brutally silenced by an AKSU-74 in the hands of a second individual who had pre-supposed their escape-route.

The pair fled, leaving four dead and seven seriously hurt. The local police were -by a cruel irony- across town in a mandatory briefing on the threat posed by God's Spear In Al Khals, and the men -according to Al Haqiqa Al Khals' remarkably speedy report- escaped towards the southern border and the chaos of Simba.

Via'di'arl
Today...

"...extremists who have turned their fury on the people of Al Khals, insisting that a vote for anyone but the Islamic [Progress] party has always been a waste, and that now, for some reason, all must be punished for simply taking part in the democratic process... punished by acts such as the tragic slaughters in Njombe and just days ago in Masasi, by attacks against our national economy as at Khalsabad and the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus, and attacks against our elected government's friends the Roycelandians and God only knows who next."

Prime Minister Kilany spoke to a vast crowd of Al Khals Kadira Republic supporters gathered in the capital to demonstrate the people's disapproval of actions taken by God's Spear. Then an explosion erupted in the middle of the crowd, making sure that the vast majority of Al Khalis waved-off their troops with passionate enthusiasm as they deployed to the southern border or swept into identified God's Spear hotspots that happened to be Islamic Progress Party strongholds...

"Augusto!?!?!?" shouts Raphael Camillo into the telephone.
"I'm sorry sir," says Augusto before he hangs up.

Camillo is surprised to say the least about the defection of his second-hand man, and quite angry as well.

"Call out the capital regiment! Order them to fortify the city, immediately!"

In short order, the men of the Cabo Delgadan capital regiment file out of their barracks. ERC-90s, AMX-13s, and a wide assortment of private-venture armored cars take to the streets, stopping buses, trains, and closing down marketplaces. Policemen with sub machine guns begin to set up sandbagged posts in Pemba, and a curfew is established; 6:30 on weekdays, 7:00 on weekends.


Before long, a sizeable crowd collects along every major street. The mood is tense, made only worse by the presence of the police and their armored cars. The biggest crowd collects along Napoleon Street, in sight of the government complex. The road is already blocked by the police, who have haphazardly strung barbed wire and bits of wood across the left side of the road.

The people of Cabo Delgado have endured quite a bit under Colonel Camillo. All men from the ages of 16 to 50 are obliged to do military service, the nation's already miniscule budget is dedicated almost solely to the military, financing the purchase of not only G-36 rifles, T-80UD tanks, and AMX international fighter jets, but all of four frigates from Russia.

AIDS is simply crippling. Out of nearly 2.3 million Cabo Delgadans in 1985, the population, through emigration or death, has reduced by some 500,000 people. Camillo refuses to fund health programs, insisting that 'the people will work it out themselves,' and a crop failure has only worsened an already precarious situation.


But the Colonel does not bother himself with such worldly matters. Within minutes of the first police radio calls, a line of AMX-13s rumbles out of the Capital Regiment's barracks. With Major Augusto's forces several days away, and not really in any kind of controlled structure, any sort of armed struggle against Camillo's rule will have to wait.

OOC:
ah crap aagin jolt eats my post because it took too long!!!
IC:
The Strathdonian govenrment have privately asked that teh Roycelandian govenrment perhaps deploy a divsion or 2 of light troops via the port of quelimane once it has been secured these troops and any naval escorts woudl be greatly useful in spreading peace and safety in the shattered country.

While high command do not expect much resistance from regional forces in the Zambezia region. Partially due to the fact the regional officials have all been discretly informed that compliance brings a safe and finacially secure future while non compliance a rather more unpleasant future involving a .308Win bullet and soemwhat due to the region already playing host to a few SDF customs and joint trainign detachments. Federal froces were a differnt matter but it was hoped that they would see that the bet would be stand by and let Strathdonia and her allies get on with the job of sorting thier country, of course generous mercenary pay would be forth coming to units siding with the intervention force.

Finally all was set, along the border light cavalry, Dragoon, Horse artillery and regular and territorial infantry units stood ready, at Livingston airbase the paratroops of 1st and 2nd battalion, the parachute regiment shuffled out to the laoding huts to await thier planes, other airbases were also hives of activity as support helicopters made final communications with thier assigned ground forces and strike and fighter aircraft were prepped and thier crews went over thier targets and patrol areas one last time.
Dawn the next day would bring the first strikes on the intervention, the air phase would ahev to be short and brutal, the SADF couldn't afford extended operations either in terms of fuel burned or aircraft lost.

OOC:
total forces:
SADF:
12 multi role jaguars
6 SEAD HAWK MK131s and 8 CAS Hawk MK131s
4x Casa CN 235, 6x HS.780 Andovers, , 3x C130K Hercules, 1x KC130F, 1x Sunderland Flying tanker and 2x SB9 Stormer observation aircraft
14x AH9 Lynx, 6x IAR330L Puma SOCAT and 8x IAR330 Puma

SDF:
1st and 2nd battalion the parachute regiment
3rd and 4th battalions the 2nd light cavalry brigade
2nd and 4th brigades the 2nd Dragoon divsion, The strathdonian Greys (mech inf)
2nd, 6th and 8th regiments, the Strathdonian Horse Artillery
1st (r), 3rd and 4th (T) battalions the South Kilbride brigade
1st (r), 3rd and 4th (T) battalions the Blantyre brigade
1st(r) 2nd(r) and 4th(T) battalions 2nd engineering brigade
1st(r) and 3rd(T) battlaions 3rd medical brigade
3rd and 4th support brigades

I'll trya nd work up soem regional and federal Simba units.

OOC:

Urm, Im a little concerned at the idea of Cabo Delgado having T-80s and frigates, as that isnt really the nature of the RP, and the entire existence of that nation would only really make sense if it has recently split from Simba as a whole. Assuming that, its unlikely Camillo would have had a chance to buy weapons, and never anything as sophisticated as warships, I mean it wouldn't make sense for a tiny, impoverished breakway republic to suddenly spend a few hundred million dollars on a blue water navy to rival Lusaka's and close to that of South Africa. Even if every dollar of GDP went on the armed forces, its still wouldnt be able to afford it, never mind the vast support network needed to operate such vessels. It would also be rather stupid to buy T-80s, even if you had the money, because the cheaper, almost as capable T-72 is much easier to maintain and fuel etc. In other words, stick with the AMX-13s, that is in my opinion a much more plausible technology level, and more appropriate to the RP.

Near Dombe, Manica Province

After a very long, and somewhat precarious drive from Maputo, the black Mercedes bumped along a winding track, heading to a small compound. Throughout the journey Kurtz had seen the situation progressively worsen as they left the Capital. Whereas there was at least some semblance of government control in Maputo and some of the towns, the rural areas where becoming lawless. The only security forces they had come across had demanded bribes in foreign currency and seemed prepared to use their weapons to extract it. Where most saw chaos, Kurtz saw opportunity.

Finally, the compound came into view, a collection fo prefabricated buildings, and a flagpole flying the emblem of the Resistëncia Nacional Moçambicana. The car stopped as two men, wearing paramilitary uniforms and armed with FN FALs, proceeded to search the vehicle before allowing it continue with strict instructions as to where to park.

As Kurtz stepped out, the driver remaining in the vehicle, he looked about, eyeing a training ground where at least fifty men, predominatly black were being drilled by a very white instructor. Another guard, barely speaking ushered Mr. Kurtz into one of the structures and though to a meeting room. The decor was utilitarian, there was no air-conditioning, only a pungent smell of insecticide. As he sat down, opening his briefcase on the table, the guard snapped to attention as another figure entered.

The man in question, tall and incredibly broad shouldered was caucasian, he wore the same camo fatigues as the others, with a black baseball cap. "So, Mr. Kurtz we meet again."

Kurtz shuffled nervously, he didn't like suprises "I'm Mr. Roberts."

"It alright, we won't tell anyone, but we've worked together before, if you remember...Angola 1980s?"

"Indeed, of course, you're...Brannigan, Lieutenant in the [Selous] Scouts?"

"Thats Right, Now I'm a Colonel in RENAMO, Ja, after the ZANU finally broke us, alot of the 'ole boys came over here, we've been preparing for a time like this for quite a while....who's the rag head you came with?"

"He's my driver."

"Right, not working for Al-Khals by any chance are ya?"

"Even if I was, I wouldn't tell you, would I?"

"Alright then, lets talk business, I'm going to be straight with you, we wanna take Beira pretty soon, we got a few thousand guys, we wanna get in there right as the government falls and before all the looting starts, don't have much time. If we take Sofala province we got a good position to start moving North and South."

"You have defacto control over this province?"

"Ja, thats it exactly, more or less the people here are sympathetic, you'd be suprised how much they like General Dhlakama, he gives the Right an African face, and reassures them that we're not gonna have some white dictatorship...of course he's a politican and a few people like me handle the... military side of things."

"What do you need to takeover Beira? My organisation has considerable resources and we want to see a sympathetic government in these parts."

"Well to be honest our equipment situation is slightly worrying, I mean we got enough FNs for everybody, but if they start throwing armour at us, we're gonna have serious problems, all we got is a bunch of RPG-7s we've taken in raids over the border in Zim. We have quite a few pickup trucks, some with fifty cals, and grenade launchers, but thats as far as it goes."

"Right, I'll see what I can do, obviously its not the easiest place to smuggle weapons to, becomes easier if you control Beira obviously. Whats the OP Plan?"

"Stage a coup from inside the city, assault government buildings and rush down guerillas from the West. The problem is though, our forces rely on numbers, I mean for every ex-military or special forces soldier there's two dozen indigenous militiamen. We need some hardcore, trained paramilitaries in the city to start this off."

"I have some of those very people coming in from the Congo, I've seen them in action on my last assignment, very dedicated, ruthless individuals."

"That simplifies it, but we got to do this soon before FRELIMO come out of the woodwork, and God knows who else."

Kurtz packed his briefcase and rose from the table.

"Where you going?"

"Beira."

The Imperial Roycelandian Government has confirmed that two divisions of Colonial Guard (Not as well trained as the Imperial Guard, but quite capable nonetheless- kind of a cross between Border Guards and the Army Reserve, if you will) will be deployed to Quelimane, with a Dreadnough (probably the IRNS Moneypenny) as support. An advance party of Foriegn Legionnaires would be airdropped in to try and secure the port, or at least persuade the local defence forces and authorities to give up peacefully.

With the winding-down of the situation in Al-Ahzad, the chance to deploy some troops to Mozambique in a Security Establishment mission had immeasurable PR benefits, in a "Wag The Dog" kind of way.

The Colonial Guard also had the advantage of not being quite as... Imperialistic, perhaps, as the Imperial Guard.

The Imperial Guard knew their job- to fight wars, crush opposition, and spread Roycelandian influence via military means.

The Colonial Guard, conversely, were trained more for uprising suppression, handling Natural Disasters, supervising Humanitarian Aid, and guarding the Borders of the Empire.

Hopefully, the people of Mozambique would realise that having the Roycelandians and the Strathdonians around could only have benefits for their country. Failing that, Pattern '07 Bayonets and .303 bullets would soon help the Mozambiquians come to their senses...

OCC: I never meant for Camillo to actually get them. He just wants them very badly. Putting money in the bank, so to speak. Its not like they will even be affordable for quite a few years, and by then there won't be anyone left to use them, if things go the way that they are.

IC:

A crowd of several thousand people stares down the barrels of the Capital Division's AMX's. The tankers rev their engines menacingly and traverse their gun turrets while the Lieutenant in charge of the whole affair sits atop an armored car, biting his fingernails.

Shouting "No military government," the crowd begins to shuffle towards the roadblock.

"Disperse immediately! Disperse or we will fire!"
"4 battallion, you are ordered to clear Napoleon street as far as the rail junctions, over."

With the order finally coming through, the tank drivers, loyal to the colonel although somewhat apprehensive about running into such a large and varied crowd-it wouldn't look good on the news-turn their tanks around and, in an orderly line, head towards the rail junctions and straight into the heart of the crowd.

Beira

Half a mile from the City Council building, the headquarters of Frente de Libertaçâo de Moçambique (FRELIMO) seemed to be the centre of more activity than usual. For years the organisation like its antithesis RENAMO had remained dormant, and had been less successful in bulding up support, due to the fact that its leaders had been part of the coalition that made up the Simba government, and the resentment piled on Maputo by the people had contaminated the socialists as well. As that very government was about to collapse, the leader's of FRELIMO perhaps looked elsewhere for inspiration, notably the resurgence of Derek Igomo, the notional figurehead of the African Left.

Outside the structure, consipcious with a red flag draped from a make shift flag pole, a van pulled up. The driver, dressed in coveralls, then got out and walked back up the street; the security guard was taking a break inside, and unaware.

Across town, just two blocks from the City Council, Mr. Kurtz scanned the area with binnoculars from the roof of a semi-derelict office building, noticing that the planned demonstration of RENAMO supporters was going well, with several hundred activists blockading streets around the administration buildings. Kurtz glanced at his watch, and turned his gaze eastwards. Just as predicted, he saw a flash of orange leap up from the mass of roofs, followed by a deep rumble. It was far enough away that he could not hear the screams and the shouts, but he had before many times and could imagine the scene of chaos vividly.

Immediately the few policemen and paramilitaries haphazardly trying to control the crowd of protesters started to make for a collection of worn out trucks, in an effort to get to the scene of the explosion. Some didn't even bother with the trucks and ran down the streets, some in the opposite direction to the bomb blast, deserting at the first sign of danger.

A slight smile came across Kurtz's clean-cut features and he dialled a number on his cellphone before uttering one word into it, "Go."

Someone in the crowd then fired a burst of fire into the air from a previously concealed uzi, and suddenly weapons appeared throughout the group. The few hundred strong rabble then spread out along the streets around the City council, and started taking shots at the few guards remaining outside the structure. A couple of trucks appeared seemingly from nowhere and several squads of paramilitaries in green fatigues dismounted from them, occupying structures around the main square, and a few armed with sniper rifles tyring to get up on roofs.

Five minutes later, just as the security forces already half way to FRELIMO's blown out headquarters realised what was happening and turned around, a low drone sounded over the city. Kurtz looked up and saw a pair of Mi-24D gunships. For a moment he thought that the unthinkable had happened before seeing that the words 'RENAMO' had been painted over the choppers' Simba markings and he realised that Makola and his Congolese mercenaries were inside. When he had instructed his assistant Makola, who had arrived in Maputo from Brazzerville the day before, he had told him to find some aviation to get them into Beira during the operation. He assumed Makola would have found bribed someone for at most an Mi-17 but two Hinds, that was actually quite impressive. Kurtz grinned and muttered to himself, "perhaps the young negro is learning."

The helicopters circled the city council building once, and descended before touching down outside the structure. As the baffled RENAMO supporters looked on, soldiers jumped out, tightly organised in formation. Each of them was wearing a bandana over their faces, and carried modern AK-105s with optical sights. As the two gunships lifted off, the mercenaries approached the main entrance of the structure, lobbing grenades inside, and then rushing in after the muffled explosions.

While the building was stormed and any government official unluckly enough to be inside was captured or in most cases just killed, the two Hinds swung toward the incoming government troops. At that point nearly half dropped their weapons and ran at the sight of such an adversary. When the helicopters made a second pass, they finally opened fire with 12.7mm gatling guns and incendiary rockets. The sight of trucks literally being thrown across the street in fireballs and bodies being incinerated was enough to scare off the remainder, as the Hinds circled the city looking for any dissent in Biera's liberation.

It was not long before the mercenaries appeared on the roof of the administration building, having cleared it of people. They then spread to each corner of the roof and took up firing positions in case there was any counter-attack, while Makola himself ripped off his bandana and proceeded to run the RENAMO banner up the flagpole, to the cheers of the mobs in the streets.

Kurtz studying this through his binnoculars, was pleased that this first objective had been completed, and it would not be long before he was demanding more resources from his employers, after all he had something to show for himself after just days of being in country.

In Niassa, the governing council, in an unprecedented move, sends a dispatch to Blantyre requesting that Strathdonia annex the province. Citing a shattered local economy, negative population growth, and a hostile neighbor to the north, popular consensus is that they would be safer under the flag of Strathdonia than on their own.

As the AMX-13s rumble down the street, the crowd reluctantly gives ground while calling the tankers a wide range of disparaging names. However, one figure doesn't budge. With a Phish T-shirt and an almost bald head, the soon-to-be messiah of Mozambique stares down a tank.

"Get out de way!"
"Listen for a minute!"

The tank driver stops the AMX, and Raoul walks over. After a short conversation, he hops aboard and the driver turns down the opposite road. Protesters pile on the lead AMX, and the remainder of the column dutifully follows the lead tank.

Colonel Camillo looks outside towards the site of the demonstration, and immediately backs away from the window. Down Napoleon Street comes a column of AMX-13s, all covered in protesters and followed by a sizable walking protest. A Ferret armored car and an AML-90 are sent out to break things up, but the sheer volume of people and vehicles on the street, with a solid wall of buildings on one side and a seawall on the other, pushes the armored cars onto the beach.

Camillo stands at the window, and unholsters his automatic pistol.

"Guards! Barricade the entrances! Let no-one in!"

But by the time Raphael Camillo issues his last order as the soveriegn of Cabo Delgado, an AMX-13 had already driven through the front door of the palace of government, followed by a wave of protesters. Guards who do not run are carried by the crowd as it surges towards Camillo's room. Some tankers and Raoul Domingos lead the procession, and soon arrive at the heavy doors of Camillo's personal office.

"One...two...three!"

The door is broken open, and, flanked by Camillo's former elite troops, Raoul Domingos walks in, followed by Mozambiquians of every age and walk of life. Old men, children, mothers with babies, shopkeepers, and a host of others stare the colonel down across an overturned conference table. The tankers keep their Sterling L2A3s pointed in the general direction of Camillo's FAL-armed guards, as Raoul confronts the colonel.

"Raphael Camillo, the people of Mozambique, from now foreward, renounce your rule."

Wild cheering breaks out in the crowd, and Camillo is seized. Carried on the shoulders of protesters, the colonel is brought outside and thrown into a shallow man-made pond. Raoul is then seized himself, and carried out of the palace of government. The crowd, which soon grows to thousands of people, marches through Pemba, proclaiming freedom and liberation.

In a radio address that night, heard as far away as Beira, Raoul states his vision for Mozambique.

"People of Mozambique, today a great tyrant was overthrown. With the passing of the rule of Raphael Camillo, a region of our country now has the potential to create a new life. What is the enemy of this country? It is certainly not Strathdonia, not United Elias, not Roycelandia, not Lusaka. It is war! It is disease! It is famine! Millions of our countrymen...your brothers, sisters, parents and children...have died from AIDS! My own sister is afflicted as well! The disease has done more damage than any event in our history...population has shrunk by millions! War burns up the middle of our nation, people die every day. I...We are calling on you, all of you, to put down guns, stop killing your brothers, and help fight the real enemies of our nation and the entire humanity!"

[OOC: Blow hard ... heh.]

[OOC: Blow hard ... heh.]

Being shut up you are to be!

To say that the message from the Niassa provincial council came as a bit of a shock to the Strathdonian govenrment would be somewhat of and under statement.
While the government did realise that the recent biuld up of forces on the border it was quickly becoming obvious that Strathdonian intellgence was about as water tight as a collander...

A quickly organised scratch force of territorial infantry was quickly put together for a quick journey across the great lake, transported by the Nyassa Boat section and Mi17s of No22 squadron SADF. Thier mission was simple liason with the local authorities and stabilise the situation. Heavy support was of limited availbility but if the Zambezia operation went well then that might change.

As the Niassa task force was made ready the SDF command finally set the wheels in montion for the annexation of Zambezia.
First off were the Hercules', CN-235s andandovers laoded with the first 2 battalions of the parachute regiment. escorted by an entire squadron of Hawks thier objective was Quelimane airport. Jaguar fighters also roared over the border aiming for fuel and ammo dumps and any Simbian MiGs that would show them selves.
On the ground the main elements made thier intial thrust over the border, the light cavalry and dragoons in the lead while the small helicopter force flashed over head carry small teams of engineers to seize vital targets.

In various towns throughout Zambezia uncooperative officials received quiet visist from the ghosts while the regions main power lines were knocked out.

The remaining government troops in Zambezia are soon overwhelmed. Some T-55s do show themselves, intending to block the ground advance, while others are abandoned by their crews as soon as Strathdonian jets are sighted.

Many units surrender quickly, while others resist for a while, firing 12.7mm AA machine guns and RPGs at whatever Strathdonian paras land before taking losses and surrendering.

In Niassa, the Strathdonian contingent is met by a group of more or less officially dressed men, members of the regional government. A few armed men carrying AK-74s and FN-FALs stands around the government officials, providing 'security,' while the pilots of Niassa's few ex-Simban MiG-21s and Mirages mill about nearby.

The Colonial Guard had secured Quelimane with minor casualties (A Salvo from the IRNS Moneypenny soon convinced the few defenders in the town that resistance was indeed futile), and were waiting for order from HQ before proceeding further...

OOC: TCB, if you want to RP the assault on the town, I'm happy to do that, but since no-one's objected since Roycelandian troops landed, I'm assuming that the Port City surrendered without much resistance...

The bombardment from the Roycelandian dreadnaught silences most resistance in Quelimane, although some units continue to wait in semi-prepared positions to the west of the city.

As landing craft approach, the citizens of Quelimane watch from the shore. The sight of such a large ship offshore is unusual, and there is always the possibility of being able to sell some home handicrafts to whoever comes off the landing craft.

The Colonial Guardsmen who came ashore have been extremely friendly to the locals, giving chocolate bars to people, buying handicrafts, helping repair things around the city, and generally not being oppressive to everyone.

A few units found themselves in a skirmish with resistance on the western side of the city, and small arms fire could be heard rattling well into the night, but aside from that, the Colonial Guard had succeeded in their task, which was to secure the port in advance of Strathdonian troops arriving...

The Roycelandians received a happy welcome from the troops of the small Strathdonian customs post at the port, while outside the city the paras finished mopping up what little resistance could be found in and aroudn the airport before turnign thier attentions to brining the air traffic control system on line to allow further suppleis and troops to be landed.

On the main front thigns were moving surpirsingly easily despite some impressively spirited defensive actions by local groups. Despite it's age an T55 was still a terrifying prospect for an M113 crew and more than one mechanised company took loses before they were able to call in AT support, generally in the form of a lynx or puma gunship.

In Niassa the Strathdonian officers encouraged the former simbian pilots to remain on stand by until a Strathdonian fighter presence could be established. Such as presence consisting of 6 Hawk 230 fighters was being put together hurridly to provide security agaisnt any other raids launched by the Cal Deago forces.

OOC: well with the larger than expected level of added responsibility it looks like i might be able to justify keeping my Jaguars on active service and perhasp raise another squadron, perhaps some would be looking to trade a bunch of Mirages and MiG-21s? of coruse beign strathdonia we would have to modify any aircraft we get (mainly add a radar like the indian anti shipping versions, remove both 30mm guns, replace one with a BK 27 mauser and the other with a small FLIR pod).

Beira

Since taking the provinces of Sofala and Manica, the Beira city administration building had become the centre of a defacto RENAMO government. As militiamen enforced curfews, and arbitrarily arrested suspected FRELIMO members, the security situation to the North was obviously changing. In an ad hoc conference room, General Dhlakama, Mr. Kurtz and a few other RENAMO colonels, most former Rhodesian officers, discussed the next step. Whilst they were beholden to Kurtz for equipment and financial support, (finally some cargo vessels were unloading vehicles and supplies, claiming to be from various places in central America, they had fairly obviously all been loaded in Belize), the RENAMO leadership was highly skeptical at the Niassa provincial council. Dhlakama himself was concerned that Strathdonia would install some sort of government, that could be not be guaranteed to be of the same principles as his movement, and that they should immediately prepare to move against the South, while they still had the chance to expand, unimpeded by a foreign power. Kurtz, on the other hand, insisted that this would be over-ambitious, given RENAMO's current strength, and it was more important to safeguard their control over these two highly important provinces.

After several hours of deliberating, a solution was devised, one way to guarantee the integrity of their new administration was by introducing Elias ground troops. Kurtz, via the embassy in Maputo, managed to contact the Petra Carrier Group, sailing in company with the 2nd Amphibiuous Ready Group. Within miniutes, the naval task force had recieved authorisation to move off the coast of Beira, and would take up station in just under 24 hours. Notifications were obviously sent of their intetions both to Strathdonai, and Roycelandia, urging all parties to co-ordinate carefully to ensure security in Mozambique.

Aboard the relatively small Modified Kiev class carrier Petra, flights of six Mig-29Ks were dispatched on rotating CAP sorties over the Mozambique channel, ready to respond to any Cabo Delgadan attack missions.

Raphael Camillo wakes up to find himself locked in a prison cell overlooking the Mozambique channel. Outside, a pair of FAL-armed guards watch the middle-aged colonel. On the nearby airstrip, the pilots of Cabo Delgado's few Mirage IIIs and other fighter aircraft, all quite elderly, are aquainted with the new state of affairs.

"You can all go 'ome now. All that needs to be done is keep 'dem so dey fly," says the soon-to-be minister of agriculture from his vantage point on an old bicycle.

As Major Augusto's column approaches Pemba, he is surprised to be met by a large crowd of civilians instead of AMX-13s.

"Welcome to Pemba, Major. Camillo is out of power."

In numerous following radio addresses, Raoul Domingos informs the surrounding provinces of the new state of affairs in Cabo Delgado. He also calls for an end to fighting throughout the country so more time can be spent on fighting poverty and disease.


In Niassa, the regional assembly gets ready for Strathdonian presence. The Mirage and MiG pilots agree to remain on standby, even though their low-paying, hour-intensive jobs have already taken quite a toll mentally, while the Strathdonian Hawks are brought in. Perhaps several of these pilots could be convinced to fly with Strathdonia if the hours were good and the pay improved.


In Zambezia, remaining T-55 crews climb out of their vehicles, hands up, and walk towards Strathdonian troops. After taking losses from attack helicopters, they decide that it will be safer to quit now. By morning after the initial landings, most resisting units surrender, along with their equipment. Fortunately, due to the short duration of the fighting, casualties are light and most equipment remains intact, although the same cannot be said for facilities.

Near Quelimane, the last resisting company emerges from its positions with a white flag. Their FN-FALs and Kalashnikovs are thrown on the ground, along with unit patches and webbing, and the troops walk towards the Roycelandian marines.

The Colonial Guardsmen are initially cautious of the white flag, but after seeing that it isn't a trap, some of them escort the new prisoner's to the a small holding camp, where their details are taken and they are all given food, medical attention, and so on.

The resisting soldiers will be held until final confirmation of the cease-fire in the area, at which point they will be released. In the meantime, they are being treated humanely

Another group of Colonial Guardsmen have collected the Mozambiquean webbing and firearms, and the Roycelandian flag now flies over Quelimane.

A C-47 and a C-130J full of supplies are en route to Quelimane from Port Imperial, and Quelimane, at least, has been captured intact.

The Roycelandian Commander and Officers have also made a point of sharing dinner with the Strathdonian Customs staff, whilst the Radio and TV stations are now broadcasting as usual, with a minor addendum to the fact that Quelimane is now under Roycelandian control...

tag

Beira

Shortly afterdark, sixteen EA-24G Marine Helicopters sweep low over the glistening waters of the Mozambique channel, before emerging over the Port of Beira and descending, lights dimmed onto the streets around the city council building. Rotors still running, men from Delta Company, 1st Combat Battalion, 8th Naval Assault Regiment, dismount as the rear ramps drop, whilst RENAMO guerillas appear to meet them, including Makola, Kurtz's assistant. The men, and various sacks of equipment are unloaded quickly, and within minutes the helicopters are airborne again, on their way back to the task group across the horizon.

The unit, tasked only with helping to enforce order within the city limits, has no organic vehicles, and while its 124 men will remain under the command of the Regiment, the company has some autonomy on how it conducts the mission. Meanwhile, outside Beira, RENAMO fighters, relying heavily on the support on several Mi-24s, continue to root out resistance in the two provinces under their control.

After some delay an appropriate Strathdonian government presence was despatched to meet the Niasaan Authorities.

The diplomatic mission carried the Strathdonian offer.
Ideally Strathdonia would like to formally annex and assume full governmental authority over Niasa but they could fully understand why this might be unpopular with the populance. Thus it was proposed that Niassa becoem a semi autonomous state with it's own regional assembly that would hold devolved power or certain areas of legislation, how ever certain key areas such as defence and economic policy would be reserved to Lilongwe.
In terms of military affairs all regional and/or former federal Simbain troops would be offered a comission or enlistment into the SDF and eventually would form the basis for Niassa's own regional brigade (much like the Strathdonian Territorial regiments). What air crew there were would have to travel to Strathdonia for recetification first in the hawk trainer before under going operational conversion for one of the frontline SADF Squadrons. Air defence duties for Niassa would be assumed by No.2 squadron and it was envisioned that places would be availble within that squadron for any recertified Niassa pilots.
Most military ahrdware would remain in the hands of local force until such time as standardisation would be more feasible. An exception however would be the limited number of fighter aircraft, the MiG-21s were immediatly slatted for disposal while the mirages would be sent to the SADF central workshops for evaluation and maintaince work with a veiw to establishing a 2nd reserve squadron to make use of them (i assume these are mirage f1s or IIIs?).

In Zambezia the paras were proud to guide in the first of the roycelandian transports as the land froce spread out through the region to brign what assitance they could to the locals.

At home the government were pleased to offer thier support to thier Elian allies in their mission to brign stability to other regions of shattered country.

OCC: Mirage IIIs, Strath.

IC:

The regional council finds the Strathdonian terms acceptable, better than they expected at that. The annexation is not unpopular, and frees up a good deal of the government's limited funds formerly devoted to defense. Being a part of Strathdonia brings a feeling of security, and this is very welcome. As for the troops stationed in Niassa, the majority choose to renew their enlistment. After all, the Strathdonian military appears to offer steady pay and perhaps even some pension benefits. The state of the former Simban troops is not too good, even though the recently deposed Camillo regime never actually went through with its plans to invade Niassa. There are only a few T-55s, almost no APCs, and only 12.7mm machine guns for anti-aircraft equipment. Troops had almost universally discarded their FN-FALs in favor of Ak-series rifles, while the FN support MG is still in service for lack of a better weapon.

The Niassan aircrew also renew their enlistments for the most part, and agree to retrain in the Hawk.

In Cabo Delgado, two guards and Colonel Camillo shout insults at eachother through the bars of his cell. The guards eventually win the argument when one pulls out a Webley revolver, and Camillo withdraws into his cell.

The army, now under the command of Major Augusto, drastically decreases in size. However, it does not loose all its strength, especially considering the fact that Al-Khals is across the border to the north and a good deal of the rest of Mozambique is under foreign invasion. In the days following the deposition of Camillo's regime, Raoul Domingos becomes wildly popular. His radio addresses and new policies gain him widespread support, and it would not be a stretch to say that Raoul thinks of himself as the Simban Derek Igomo.

However, it remains to be seen as to whether Domingos's far-reaching reforms will ever be implemented. As impromptu head of state, he sets elections for the end of the year, supposedly long enough to form political parties and the like, but between then and now anything could happen. And as he watches a parade of Saracen APCs rumble down Napoleon street, some see in Raoul a bit of the Colonel.

((OOC> Finally, an AC post! Weeeh... For those of you who did not notice, I've settled into the quaint town of Ishøj with a comfortable 2.5 Mbit connection, so now I'm on regularly))


African Commonwealth, east and south

Upon news of the violent clashes in the south, defenses were slightly braced - The conflicts would most likely not spread, but Manus Nigra and regional officers had their readiness level stepped up to watch for signs, particularly inside the Angolan mainland.

At the same time, the LFU/ADU government issued an offer of assistance. Evidently orderly African affairs had degenerated beyond the control, and "foreign elements" had as evidently been quick to exploit it. Being out of Commonwealth hands as it were, the least it could do was to offer humanitarian aid in the form of food, medicine and trained staff to administer it.

Bump

OOC: Guys, I don't want to take over Nigeria without anyone noticing. It would be a bit sneaky to do so, so if you could take a look...

I've seen...and The Crooked Beat is my third-world alter ego.

OOC: I'm referring to all the other SSA members.

((I saw you post on the forum as well, but I've yet to find the thread in which you meddle with Nigeria? Could you kindly slip me the link?))

In the far south, the area around Maputo where central government maintains some kind of authority, it is decided to deploy troops into disputed provinces in hopes of restoring the state to some degree...

((I saw you post on the forum as well, but I've yet to find the thread in which you meddle with Nigeria? Could you kindly slip me the link?))
Here y'all go...http://forums.jolt.co.uk/showthread.php?t=407667&page=1&pp=15&highlight=nigeria

IC:
The massive Arc lights mounted high in the ceiling of the hanger, washed thier bright light down onto the hustle and apparent chaos of the floor.
The harsh white light and the lab coats or overalls worn by the personell involved lent the activities an almsot clinical appreance, which in a away it was, although a former Simbian T-55 repalced the human patient while acetelene torchs and wilding gear repalced the scalples and stiches.
To the engineers of the SDF Bovrilton research and assement centre the events in simba had literally brought thier work a major stride forward. The captured T-55s finally offered a decent (and expendable) platform to test the new Joint Hindi-Strathdonian 75/120 gun system. Strahtdonian work on the gun had been largely stalled due to the fact that the nation's shermans were simply too old and fragile to accept the new gun while the Sherridans and centurions were simply too scare for any of them to be taken from front line units for testing and development work.
Now with the T-55s work was finally progressing. It was propossed that eventually all the T-55s captured during actions in Zambezia and those inherited from Niassa would be modified with the new gun and an imporved turret. While these tanks would be unlikely to see regular front line service with any of the Cavalry units they would very likely all be used to form the core of a Niassa Dragoon (mechanised) divsion and temporally plug any shortages until the final agreements for the TAM and Osório purchases could be made. The 75mm gun was an option for both new tank designs, particularly with the Osório and the difficulties finding a repalcement for the french 120mm gun...


On the political front the Strathdonian Govenrment have supirsed many observers by offering full regonion to the administration headed Raoul Domingos. it is rumored that this offer is entirely dependent on the signature of mutal assaitance and free trade agreements between Strathdonia and TCB, while none in Lilongwe will comment on the issue it is belived that the Strathdonian government are keen to see a stabilisation of the situation in the north in order to allow thier attention to be turned towards events else where.

In the provisional elections, Raoul Domingos wins by a landslide. Colonel Camillo himself still gets around 20 votes, a fact that his prison guards are sure to harp on as they taunt the middle-aged Camillo and brandish their FAL rifles.

There is word that Raoul will grant Camillo a pardon, although this has generated a negative public reaction. Camillo's total ignorance of social issues coupled with his policy of imprisoning (and sometimes personally executing) dissidents did little to endear him to the population. If Camillo does end up free, its more than likely that he will land in jail somewhere else soon after.

But the new nation still faces many problems, the foremost among them nearly negative population growth. In terms of per capita HIV/AIDS incidence, Cabo Delgado is within the top five, not to mention malaria. Raoul's hand-picked 'national doctors' are dreading an outbreak of Marburg fever, to make things worse.

Due to these crippling problems, an alliance with Strathdonia is not out of the question. Raoul Domingos himself prepares to travel to Niassa and meet with a Strathdonian representative. He plans to make it clear that Cabo Delgado is in desperate need of modern disease prevention programs and is dirt poor to boot. While in the end it will be a matter for the newly-elected Parliament to decide, Raoul indicates that he would certainly not miss up to 25 AMX-13 tanks and a good deal more armored cars, in exchange for financial and medical aid. If Strathdonian diplomats ever visit Cabo Delgado, they will likely be shown the Border Defense Force, essentially the Delgadan army/airforce. Dressed in British-pattern tropical uniforms and armed with anything from Stens to SKS's to Roycelandia-made FN-FALs, they could probably mount a reasonably effective defense should hostile elements invade, and also operate a pair of Mi-8s which can, in principle, be equipped with reasonably modern ATGWs. Land rovers and mercedes jeeps are reinforced with AML-60 and -90 armored cars, and some of these carry 23mm and 14.5mm AAA guns giving the ground forces respectable anti-helicopter capability. The airforce, which flies a collection of Mirage IIIs and Hawker Hunters, the latter being more numerous at five examples, is geared more towards ground attack, although the military procurement commission has tossed around the idea of replacing both the Mirages and Hawks with five ex-Finnish J35 Drakens.

Meanwhile, Delgadan diplomats make trips into Nampula to contact the government there. They inquire into wheather they would be interested in joining regions...

Meanwhile in Niassa, military personnel await their new orders as part of the Strathdonian armed forces...

The Strathdonian Military authorities were still in the process of designing a organisation and name for the Niassa forces.
The general consensus was that on paper 2 divsions would be created, the first divsion would be a provisionally titled "mobile" divsion, headed up by a Mechanised infantry brigade and supported by various motorised infantry and support elements. The second divsion would be largely of leg infantry and support units, probably made up largely of reservisits.
As to a name for the Force various ttiles have been put forward rnaging from "The Free Niassa Divsions" to "The Regional Defence force".

While the largely academic dicussion go on at an HQ level, much work is being done on the ground to train Niassa and former federal troops in the ways and tactics of the SDF (most largely aquired from the Elians). The general prefference for the venerable AK47 does cause a bit of a confusion amoungst Strathdonian trainers and liasons who are far more used to taking aimed shots from thier FALs. Perhaps udnerstandably in areas where a transition to SDF arms is envisioned the avrious carbine models of the FAL and being introduced in prefference to the hulking full size models.

Preperations are also udnerway to prepare a welcome for Mr Domingos, it has been anounced that the president Mr Livingston will be making a formal visit to the district and will be available to meet with Mr Domingos. As a freindly gesture reasonable aid doantions have been made and a team of medics is being made ready to travel to Cabo Delgado.

Raoul Domingos comes over the Niassan border in a Do-28 transport, escorted by a pair of Hunters...although it is doubtful if you can call a pair of Hunters much of an escort these days. After the recent hostilities with Niassa under Colonel Camillo's government, its almost a miracle that the aircraft aren't shot at.

The Hunters fly at an uncomortably slow pace while the Skyservant struggles to keep up, and the aircraft head towards Lichinga.

Meanwhile, Delgadan diplomats go about trying to establish union between Cabo Delgado and Nampula. The idea is not terribly disliked, especially considering Nampula's proximity to recent fighting, but commissions in both regions continue to review possible costs associated with such a proposal, namely the expense involved with holding parliamentary elections in Nampula. While it is generally agreed that Strathdonian aid money will be able to cover the costs, it is not yet known as to whether this will become a steady flow of cash or just a one-time deal.

Er...bump.

As Mr Domingo's air convoy (can't think of a better word) enters Niassian Airspace 2 Hawk 200s of the SADF slip in to place to escort them, perhaps explaining why no one was going to be shooting at them.
(the Hawks keep a polite distance but thier precise joining up manouver does illustrate the fact that air defence in Niassa is now soemwhat coordinated).

The Entorage soon comes under the umbrella of Lichinga ATC and is giuded in to a somewhat remote part of the airport where a delagtion of Nissian and Strathdonian officials (not entirely sure when they will become one and the same) will offer a proper reception before a meeting with Mr livingston can be scheduled.


OOC: i'm not sure if we would know about the approachs towards Nampula, but it would be unlikely if we woudl ahve any major objections, at this stage we just want things sorted and stabilised and will deal with any major issues in the future. As to aide i'm not too sure how long it would last, while strathdonia does appear to be a bit of a good guy in many areas it is supposed to fairly self centered and the issue of affordability, i'm still abit to used to having Crookfur's resources to throw around and while Strathdonia is reasonably properous it does have limited funds.

As to the rest of Simba/Moz i think our involvement might be at it's peak, i do have some odd ideas for trouble in Zambezia and Niassa but unless UE and royce decide to interfer in the other areas and ask for our help i can't relaly see Strathdonia doing much more now that we have access to a port...

OOC: Damn must post here, too, hmmn, all I can say is "manana"!

The Do-28 lands quickly and easily, its STOL performance coming in very handy, while the Hunters make a circut of the airfield and then head back to Cabo Delgado. Prime Minister Domingos is the first off the plane, looking more or less official with a white button-up shirt and blue slacks. He is followed by four of his ministers, dressed similarly, some carrying suitcases. The aircrew get out shortly later and look over the airplane before inquiring as to where they should buy gas.

Raoul walks over to the Niassan and Strathdonian delegation and makes introductions before getting to business.

Back home, everyday life slowly improves. Government funds, however scarce, are finally being put to good use instead of being stashed away in Camillo's 'rainy day fund.' The union with Nampula is finally announced, bringing up the problem of naming the new country. Some popular ones include Upper Ligonha and North Mozambique. The new union parliament is expected to convene for the first time in a month or two as well.

Meanwhile, down south in Maputo, things go more or less normally. In Gaza, Inhambane, and Maputo itself, a regime resembling the old Simban authority holds the territories together. There have been strong calls to unify with Domingos' nation to the north, and numerous government ministers see it as the only way to be safe from annexation or rebel violence. The distance involved means that the potential new Mozambique, sans Niassa, Tete, Zambezia, and possibly Sofala, would probably exist as one nation on paper only. The flight from Angoche to Nova Mambone is relatively dangerous, passing by areas of very recent conflict. The Ligonhan airforce, boosted to a grand total of nine Hunters, two MiG-21s, and one Mirage III, might not be sufficient to protect commercial and diplomatic flights.

Roycelandia, meanwhile, is heading calls for the city of Quelimane to be run as a Free City by the Nations of SSA, to ensure that Mozambique/Portuguese East Africa/Simba/Whatever is guaranteed at least one functioning deep water port, regardless of internal conditions in the country.

The Imperial Air Force has also offered to use some of the Spitfire aircraft based in Quelimane for escort duties on Commerical and Diplomatic Flights in the area as well...

OCC: Wait...I thought that Quelimane was going to be Strathdonian. Perhaps we could have some sort of 'what to do with Mozambique' conference?

Beira

The City Council building, surrounded by men from the small Elias contigent garrisoning the city, as well as RENAMO militamen was today dressed in flags of that organisation, and crowds of locals gathered for the much anticipated announcement. In the past days, FRELIMO and Simban loyalists had been rooted out in nearly all of Sofala and Manica provinces, events treated with ambivalence by most of the natives, who were just gald to see stability and avoid a civil war. So far, RENAMO had all but ignored the events to the North, preferring to wait for the situation to resolve itself. Kurtz, under Elias instruction had advised the RENAMO leadership to create an offical entity to secure their government's jurisdiction over itself.

Mid-Afternoon Colonel McMahon, one of the organisation's most senior officers read a long legal document proclaiming the formation of the 'Mozambique Free State'. In practice only Sofala and Manica were yet part of this nation, and although offically Maputo was the Capital, Beira would serve as the actual one, and it was unlikely that as yet this new government would try and extend its influence. A short manifesto had been printed for public distribution showing that the regime's first priority would be security, followed by humanitarian efforts, and only then, democratic elections. Whilst the RENAMO militia would remain seperate, a new Free State Frontier Force would be formed, with volunteers being guaranteed employment, food and shelter for the duration of their service. Offically, all former Simban government property within the two provinces would immediately pass to the Free State's government, and would be used to secure foreign loads, probably from United Elias.

OOC:
I think someone is having fun stumping poor little Strathdonia's ambitions. not that i mind it's all part of the fun.

IC:
The Aircrew were quickly pointed in the direction of the BP aviation tanker sitting not far away and told to help themselves, it simply wouldn't do for Strathdonia to appear to be skimping on its hospitality.

Mr Domingos and his entorage were quickly usher into rnage rovers and driven to thier conference with Mr Livingston.

The first and msot important issue of business would be the future of the rest of the former Simba, whose fall had caused considerable distress to both Mr Livingston and teh Strathdonian public as Simba had been regaurded as soemthing of a freind of Strathdonia. The recent proposals put forward by the Roycelandians are so far not receiving much in the way of definative signals, on one hand the people desire nothign more than the see peace and stability return while on the other msot of the infrastructure within Quelimane was paid for by Strathdonia and the city had always been considered part Strathdonian...

Raoul suggests that perhaps Strathdonia would take an interest in the railways headed through Nampula, and the port cities of Nacala and Mocambique. A joint development venture would be highly beneficial to both nations. On the Ligonhan (although this name will soon be dropped pending the union with the southern provinces) side, such a project would provide plenty of jobs and increase foreign investment, and on the Strathdonian side it would provide an alternative to Quelimane should they need it. Also, with most of the former Simba under Raoul's leadership, on paper at least, and minus the annexed provinces and those controlled by RENAMO, a new nation seems ready to emerge.

Raoul also hints that perhaps Zambezia could be returned to Mozambiquian control, and Strathdonia would be able to keep its sizable commercial interests.

Meanwhile, the Do-28 pilots fill up their airplane and some extra cargo drums with aviation fuel. With the gasoline situation being what it is, a little bit extra is sure to come in handy.

(A bit off topic, but not worthy of a new thread and serving also as a tag)

Igomo Social Progress Party returned to power; President accepts new title; rumors speak of mental health problems

*New Lusaka City has reportedly told the Hindustani embassy that Lusaka will accept troops from that nation in finally rounding-up a few die-hard military officers loyal to the LUAN Party, but Mr.Derek is said to have conveyed his hope that Hindustan would not deny other nations help for Lusaka's sake, in light of various other troubles arising around the world.

*The Social Progress Party has also voiced extremely strong support of the Commonwealth-lead revolution in the Pacific and Secretary Miyanda has spoken of his hope for a much wider spread of this noble adventure.

*It is reported that City has quietly dispatched diplomats to Baghdad with orders to negotiate for peace in Gabon allowing the continuation of the small Republic in the east. Igomo has already said that the Republic poses no threat to United Elias' interests in the region, and now speaks of the possibility of withdrawing more of the few remaining Lusakan soldiers if Baghdad will agree to keep out of the east. If peace can not be negotiated, it is said that Igomo will send volunteers to fight in the jungles for so long as volunteers step forward, even after conventional forces in Gabon are defeated. The implication seems to be that Elias can hold on to western Gabon as it stands and see Lusakan forces leave the region, or drive the Lusakan Army out of the east and create a partisan war that will be fought without regard for Gabon's presently stable internal divisions.

*City has invited, "trusted concerns" from the African Commonwealth to invest in the Lusakan copper belt near the West Zambian border, and the government apparently has plans to invite Hindustani state-owned companies to do the same. There is much speculation over the future of West Zambia, as the border between it and Lusaka now appears blurred. Rumour suggests that the Lusakans may be planning to allow African Commonwealth firms owned or influenced by friendly elements to join in mining on the West Zambian side of the copperbelt.

*President Derek Igomo, after much popular pressure, has finally agreed to accept a title fashioned after the one that General Tendyala confered upon himself. State media will now refere to the beloved Mr.Derek as His Excellency President for Life General Al Hadji Archbishop Doctor Derek Igomo; Vulture Cross; Distinguished Sercive Order; Military Cross; Lord Protector of all the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea; Warden of the Great Lakes Tanganyika, Victoria, Mweru, Rukawa, and Bangweulu; Amature Junior Heavyweight Champion of the Rhodesian Wrestling League; and Conqueror of the Roycelandian Empire in Africa in General and Lusaka in Particular.

*Fears have been raised with regard to the President's mental health since his second and near fatal stroke, which has left his speech slow and forces him to require the aid of a stick when standing. Some say that the stress of recent years, added to vague talk of bizarre traditional and extreme therapies pursued in Igomo's recovery have caused a degeneration of Mr.Derek's once sharp mental abilities. The President though continues to enjoy public support unknown in Lusaka since the first hopeful days of the Republic, when Igomo was sworn in as Lusaka's first independent leader and worshipped as a revolutionary hero.

*Restored SPP-era Generals call for action on Mozambique situation, public calls for peace during much-needed harvest, army told to sit on it.

OOC: Don't worry, Strath- Roycelandia isn't planning on seizing Quelimane for ourselves (We have deep water ports at Mombasa, Enfield Harbour, and Port Sudan on the African East Coast- we don't need another one). I just wanted to find a way to keep my hand in (besides saying "The Colonial Guard are still in control of Quelimane and are now bored because they don't know what to do"). You know how it is... :D

(A bit off topic, but not worthy of a new thread and serving also as a tag)

Igomo Social Progress Party returned to power; President accepts new title; rumors speak of mental health problems

*New Lusaka City has reportedly told the Hindustani embassy that Lusaka will accept troops from that nation in finally rounding-up a few die-hard military officers loyal to the LUAN Party, but Mr.Derek is said to have conveyed his hope that Hindustan would not deny other nations help for Lusaka's sake, in light of various other troubles arising around the world.

*The Social Progress Party has also voiced extremely strong support of the Commonwealth-lead revolution in the Pacific and Secretary Miyanda has spoken of his hope for a much wider spread of this noble adventure.

*It is reported that City has quietly dispatched diplomats to Baghdad with orders to negotiate for peace in Gabon allowing the continuation of the small Republic in the east. Igomo has already said that the Republic poses no threat to United Elias' interests in the region, and now speaks of the possibility of withdrawing more of the few remaining Lusakan soldiers if Baghdad will agree to keep out of the east. If peace can not be negotiated, it is said that Igomo will send volunteers to fight in the jungles for so long as volunteers step forward, even after conventional forces in Gabon are defeated. The implication seems to be that Elias can hold on to western Gabon as it stands and see Lusakan forces leave the region, or drive the Lusakan Army out of the east and create a partisan war that will be fought without regard for Gabon's presently stable internal divisions.

*City has invited, "trusted concerns" from the African Commonwealth to invest in the Lusakan copper belt near the West Zambian border, and the government apparently has plans to invite Hindustani state-owned companies to do the same. There is much speculation over the future of West Zambia, as the border between it and Lusaka now appears blurred. Rumour suggests that the Lusakans may be planning to allow African Commonwealth firms owned or influenced by friendly elements to join in mining on the West Zambian side of the copperbelt.

*President Derek Igomo, after much popular pressure, has finally agreed to accept a title fashioned after the one that General Tendyala confered upon himself. State media will now refere to the beloved Mr.Derek as His Excellency President for Life General Al Hadji Archbishop Doctor Derek Igomo; Vulture Cross; Distinguished Sercive Order; Military Cross; Lord Protector of all the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea; Warden of the Great Lakes Tanganyika, Victoria, Mweru, Rukawa, and Bangweulu; Amature Junior Heavyweight Champion of the Rhodesian Wrestling League; and Conqueror of the Roycelandian Empire in Africa in General and Lusaka in Particular.

*Fears have been raised with regard to the President's mental health since his second and near fatal stroke, which has left his speech slow and forces him to require the aid of a stick when standing. Some say that the stress of recent years, added to vague talk of bizarre traditional and extreme therapies pursued in Igomo's recovery have caused a degeneration of Mr.Derek's once sharp mental abilities. The President though continues to enjoy public support unknown in Lusaka since the first hopeful days of the Republic, when Igomo was sworn in as Lusaka's first independent leader and worshipped as a revolutionary hero.

*Restored SPP-era Generals call for action on Mozambique situation, public calls for peace during much-needed harvest, army told to sit on it.

OCC: Don't mind me, just posting on through...I don't expect I'll involve Hindustan in Mozambique, for liability reasons.

IC:

Hindustani paras arrive aboard SAt. 76 airlifters quickly after the call goes out. The paras, wearing the standard HDF warm weather uniform (shorts and short sleeves) and toting around a collection of weapons including L4A5 light machine guns, Ak-47, FN-FAL, and Galil assault rifles, and Sterling SMGs, get straight to work.

Supported by often inordinate amounts of firepower, in the form of anti-tank missiles and a variety of MRLs, as well as ILC-built Unimogs and Pinzgauers, they set out to round up Tendyala's men.

When it comes to the Zambian copper belt, Hindustani industry is interested, although it is highly unlikely that Hindustani manufacturers would buy copper if it was mined irresponsibly and without regards to the environment. However, a good source of raw materials is always welcome. The Hindustani industrial sector, still very much second-rate and dependant on shipbuilding first and foremost, will not likely improve in its standing in the forseeable future but a use could almost certainly be found for some copper.

tag

Kinshasa

Foreign Minister Ngolo Marshall has despached an attaché with the authority to create trade agreements to Lusaka. It is reasoned that the copper mines have great potential, and would fit nicely with copper-demanding Commonwealth plans to expand and empower broadband internet connections.
Also, given the recent explosives factory tragedy* in Kitwe, it is thought that perhaps the experienced Commonwealth demolition companies would be better for supplying explosive compounds to the mines than, and it is quoted, "ham-handed Sinoese merchants".


*OOC: Let me know if you're cool with using this, we often draw RL news into AMW you know. A coverage of the incident can be found here: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4466321.stm

Southwest Zambia, African Commonwealth/Lusaka gray area

For several days, strangers had come and gone in the area. Anywhere in the world a little more populous and unwatched, it might not have been noticed, but when there was hardly any emigration tolerated on the Commonwealth border, you noticed. Grizzled Lusakans suspected the Commonwealths dreaded secret police, but these guys did admittedly seem much nicer.

Some gave it as political activists, some as peasants, others as prospectors and yet others as soldiers of fortune. What it meant was unclear for now..

While Prime Minister Domingos is away in Niassa/Strathdonia, the Mozambiquian parliament convenes. With the Maputo house in touch with Pemba via radio, the MPs get to business. The first and most pressing issue is the budget.

It is generally agreed upon that the Strathdonian aid money should go into the construction of hospitals and the purchase of AIDS, Malaria, and TB medecins, but beyond that the parliament doesn't have much in the way of funds to work with. Camillo and the old Simban government combined had left Mozambique buried in debt, and while overtures have been made to the world bank for debt cancellation, there's no guarantee that help will come in the near future. The Parliament also puts money aside (albeit not much money) to hire some foreign geologists and mining experts. While it isn't much, Mozambique's deposits of coal, titanium, natural gas, tantalum, and graphite could be a major money maker, and plans are drawn up for a government-owned national mining company.

Meanwhile, the Mozambiquian air force, finding its air defense responsibilities substantially increased in scope, looks into the possibility of aquiring new fighter aircraft. While the army should be alright how it is, considering that it has inherited, with the north-south union, sizeable stocks of Simban arms, the Airforce is woefully underequipped. Funds don't provide for the purchase of many planes, but the AF command has been eyeing the BAe Hawk and L-159 for a possible purchase of up to ten airframes. Hopefully, the government will find someone willing to heavily subsidize this purchase.

OCC: So, any wealthy philanthropists willing to fund The Crooked Beat?

IC:

Finally, the parliamentary comission on national defense compiles a short list of types to be purchased at some future time.

8-12 Alvis Stormer APCs
10 Alvis Scorpion Reconaissance Vehicles
6 Alvis Saxon APCs
6 BAe Hawk 200s

OOC: Well, the Russian government, the Mafia, and several private businessmen may provide the cash. But it all depends on what you can give 'em.

OOC: Well, the Russian government, the Mafia, and several private businessmen may provide the cash. But it all depends on what you can give 'em.

OCC: That's a 9mm bullet. I.e. Mozambique just spent quite a long stretch fighting corruption and while it wasn't very violent I doubt that a Mafiosi would be entertained in anything besides a prison cell in Domingos' governmnet.

OCC: That's a 9mm bullet. I.e. Mozambique just spent quite a long stretch fighting corruption and while it wasn't very violent I doubt that a Mafiosi would be entertained in anything besides a prison cell in Domingos' governmnet.
OOC: Well, I haven't had the chance to read most of this in detail, but if Domingos is set on establishing a diplomatic government, Putin and several friendly businessmen would be more than happy to bankroll 'em. Of course, that would be in exchange for a base or two.

OOC: Well, I haven't had the chance to read most of this in detail, but if Domingos is set on establishing a diplomatic government, Putin and several friendly businessmen would be more than happy to bankroll 'em. Of course, that would be in exchange for a base or two.

OCC: The last thing Raoul Domingos wants is to invite European powers into Mozambique.

IC: THe Strathdonian Government have offered to invest significant sums in any railway projects and hinted at providing defence funding and advisory services in exchange for soem sort of access to mineral resources particularly of a fosil fuel nature.
Additionall Mr livignston has offered to station 4 SADF Mirage 2000S's in the Ligonhan districts to help provide air cover until such time as more unfied national air froce can be created.


OOC: if the Mafia were to get involved then Strathdonia woudl likely provide the full power of the Warden Service to rotting them out. We lost too much money to govenrment corruption last time around to let mozambique go down the same route again.

Thats reminds me, what to do with the ex Simba minsiters and the massive bank accoutns in Roycelandia?

The new Mozambiquian parliament is delighted to hear about the Strathdonian investment, and the railroad service begins to hire workers for the projects. Modernization of Pemba and Maputo harbors are on the agenda as well.

And while the government's number one priorities are disease prevention programs and education, defense cannot be totally ignored, especially with Al-Khals to the north and a possibly hostile government in Sofala and Manica. A small number of relatively modern types, coupled with the army's stores of older equipment, could provide an effective buffer against expansionist neighbors.

The parliament also takes up the Strathdonian offer for a compliment of Mirage 2000s to boulster Mozambiquian air defense. It is suggested that they be based in Angoche, alongside two Hawker Hunters, a Do-28, and an Mi-8. The southern districts are better off when it comes to air defense, furnished with over ten MiG-21s and five MiG-23s, as well as a number of Mi-8 helicopters.

OCC: So, any wealthy philanthropists willing to fund The Crooked Beat?

IC:

Finally, the parliamentary comission on national defense compiles a short list of types to be purchased at some future time.

8-12 Alvis Stormer APCs
10 Alvis Scorpion Reconaissance Vehicles
6 Alvis Saxon APCs
6 BAe Hawk 200s

To stress the new British government's deep desire for the formation of moderate, democratic and stable states in all of the African continent, the Ministry of Defence will donate these equipments to Mozambique. Whilst we sincrely hope for goodwill to exist between our two nations, the United Kingdom reminds Prime Minister Domingos that it is conditional on behaving in a humane and considered manner.

OOC: So TBC is Northern Mozambique, Strathdonia controls a little strip and another state has been declared in the centre? In that case what of the Southern Provinces, anarchy?

OOC:
The southern provinces have managed to regain soem resemblnece of stability under the control of the former government and i belive are currently working to united with TCB's northern faction.

I don't suppose you've got any Challenger 1s for sale? and a river class patrol boat?

To stress the new British government's deep desire for the formation of moderate, democratic and stable states in all of the African continent, the Ministry of Defence will donate these equipments to Mozambique. Whilst we sincrely hope for goodwill to exist between our two nations, the United Kingdom reminds Prime Minister Domingos that it is conditional on behaving in a humane and considered manner.

OOC: So TBC is Northern Mozambique, Strathdonia controls a little strip and another state has been declared in the centre? In that case what of the Southern Provinces, anarchy?

The Parliament, elated that the proposed aquisitions will not cost any money and will occur much much sooner than was thought, thanks the UK lavishly. In addition to visiting Lusaka, Raoul also makes plans to travel to London. The new armaments will measurably increase the United Mozambiquian forces, and give them the capability to defend against possible incursions made by guerillas based out of central Former Simba.

The Mozambiquian government, firmly neutral and concerned primarily with regional development and disease prevention, can probably be trusted with such relatively advanced systems. The Parliamentary defense commission also inquires as to whether Strathdonia would be interested in providing instructor pilots for the Hawk.

OCC: TBF, if you want to get involved with African development...Hindustan could use some backing up, considering that, while Hindustani aid floats a good deal of countries, Hindustan is viewed with contempt by most of the European imperial powers who are much closer to Hindustani commitments than Hindustan itself. If you could perhaps give support, at least diplomatic in nature and convince Quinntonia to do the same, to certain nations' soveriegnty, it would be a great help.

OOC: Hey, hey, hey---I hope you're not lumping me in with the Holy Leaguers...I may be imperialistic, but I'm democratically imperialistic. Liberator, not occupier. The Russian government is very interested in promoting democracy, and would be very willing to help Mozambique in any way it can. However, it would be nice to get a base or two in the region, as we need them for certain operations down the road...

OOC: Hey, hey, hey---I hope you're not lumping me in with the Holy Leaguers...I may be imperialistic, but I'm democratically imperialistic. Liberator, not occupier. The Russian government is very interested in promoting democracy, and would be very willing to help Mozambique in any way it can. However, it would be nice to get a base or two in the region, as we need them for certain operations down the road...

No is no. You would probably find the Parliament's nationalization of heavy industry and his more progressive policies disaggreable. And plus, Raoul doesn't want a European military base in his nation. The nature of humanitarianism is not give and get, its give! You aren't being charitable if you expect material rewards.

No is no. You would probably find the Parliament's nationalization of heavy industry and his more progressive policies disaggreable. And plus, Raoul doesn't want a European military base in his nation. The nature of humanitarianism is not give and get, its give! You aren't being charitable if you expect material rewards.
Alright, alright. While I find some economic policies disagreeable, a socialist democracy is far better than a capitalist dictatorship. Besides, Russia isn't justEuropean...It's Asian too...The fact is, while I may be charitable in personal life, a nation is expected to look out for it's own people. The Russian government is firmly concerned with serving the Russian people---and others, if it fits in with condition number one.

IC:

In yet another part of it's worldwide "Freedom" initiatived, which has lavished billions of dollars to build the burgeoning democracies of Al-Ahzad, Lavrageria, and the newly incorporated Bedgellen territories, the Majority Leader of the Russian Senate, George W. Bush stated,

"Russian foreign policy must be more than the management of crisis. It must have a great and guiding goal: to turn this time of Russian influence into generations of democratic peace. Therefore, we are proud to offer the nation of Mozambique the equivalent of 500 million QSD to allow the bright spark of democracy to continue to burn brightly in Mozambique, and that it may serve as a beacon for other nations that yearn to be free."

The Aid package is largely concencrated on building democratic institutions, although much of it is also dedicated to humanitarian aid.

In addition, a drive by private businessmen to donate has been created, with Russia's wealthiest attempting to one up each other in donations ot various struggling democracies around the globe.

The Parliament lavishly praises Russian generosity, comparing it even to the massive sums of aid that regularly eminate from the Indian subcontinent to the developing world. The money will likely be used to fund disease prevention and education programs as well as infrastructure projects.

Meanwhile, the Parliamentary commission on national defense takes stock of its equipments. In the north, where most of Camillo's old equipment has been sold to Niassa or rendered unserviceable, the MDF relies on a jeep-mounted border guard armed with heavy MGs and a handful of Milan ATGWs, covered by a pair of Mi-8s and a number of Hunters. In the south, the MDF is much better stocked. BTR-70 and -60 APCs, T-55 tanks, BM-21 MRLs, and even some BMP-2s provide a ground compliment while 14 MiG-21bis and five MiG-23 fighters fly air defense missions.

The Roycelandian Government, meanwhile. is baffled by the compete ignoring of all it's offers to help Mozambique.

Imperial Railways, Telecom Roycelandia, the Roycelandian Broadcasting Corporation, Imperial Petroleum and Mining (ImPetroCo), and many other organisations have offered to help out, and been met with silence and metaphorical tumbleweeds blowing across the plains...

OOC: Roycelandia, you could always donate some Lee Enfields to the Mozambique Free State...


Beira

The Mozambique Free State may have started with a whimper rather than a bang, but it now showed signs of political development. The city administration building of Beira had been re-christened Government House. General Dhalakama had held a meeting to decide on his provisional cabinet, being careful to balance the numbers of whites and blacks. He anointed himself as Chief Executive, Colonel McMahon, a former Selous scout, would be Secretary for Diplomacy and Trade, Fernando Taipo, Secretary for Finance and Economics, whilst Mr. Kurtz, would be nominated to the position of Security Secretary.

Still on the Echelon Ventures payroll, Kurtz, in managing to orchestrate the founding of a new right wing nation, and to become a Minister in its cabinet, had greatly impressed his unofficial masters in the higher echelons of the Elias government. The 1st Combat Battalion of the 8th Naval Assault Regiment had now fully deployed to Beira to maintain order, and Baghdad had given the new Free State a multi-million Dinar loan to allow them to organise into an effective nation-state, a difficult task.

The provisional government’s immediate priorities were to ensure security, improve the supplies of food, medicine and basic necessities and perhaps most importantly to establish a means of governing over its two million citizens They would be starting effectively from scratch, the old government of Simba had collapsed, the civil service, the military, the police, and infrastructure would have to be reformed entirely. Before the government could accomplish anything, it would have to develop the means to accomplish something, and this would take patience and phenomenal investment.

Kurtz, now working out of a dilapidated building near Government House that had been the headquarters of Beira’s Public works department, was focusing on the formation of the Free State’s new security forces. The new Free State Frontier Force now had just over 21,000 recruits, and training camps had been setup in several locations to deal with the influx. Whilst the Elias Marines and RENAMO veterans attempted to turn agrarian peasants into an army, the RENAMO militia provided the bulk of security on the borders. With regards to equipment, there was serious shortfall. Rifles, other than a few thousand FN FALs were lacking, there was no armour to speak of, a chronic shortage in motor vehicles, and the air wing comprised of a handful of former Simban Mi-24s and Mi-8s. Although a war with the North was probably unlikely, FRELIMO guerillas within Manica and Sofala still posed a threat, with several RENAMO militiamen being killed or wounded each day.

The Roycelandian Government, meanwhile. is baffled by the compete ignoring of all it's offers to help Mozambique.

Imperial Railways, Telecom Roycelandia, the Roycelandian Broadcasting Corporation, Imperial Petroleum and Mining (ImPetroCo), and many other organisations have offered to help out, and been met with silence and metaphorical tumbleweeds blowing across the plains...

OCC: What offers? I see no offers!

Eh, I'll respond OCC soon.

OOC: I'm positive I've made mention of Roycelandia offering to help in this thread... perhaps it's another one?

Anyway, we're not exactly going to sit around and ignore Mozambique, so let's just take it as read that these offers have been made and go from there, eh? :)

Offers made by Roycelandian companies are taken into consideration by Parliament, pending review of contracts and a clearer agreement. While foreign help is welcome and needed quite badly, Parliament doesn't want to be responsible for signing away half the country through missing the fine print.

Diplomats are immediately dispatched to meet with the executives of Roycelandian companies aboard one of Camillo's Do-28s, conveniently scooped up by the new government after the Colonel was thrown in prison.

Prime Minister Domingos continues his goodwill visit to Mozambique's regional neighbors, but there is one glaring problem that needs to be addressed very soon; that of the Mozambique Free State. Mozambique as it now stands is bisected by Strathdonian annexation and RENAMO, creating a major barrier to trade and communication between the upper and lower parts of Mozambique. Ideally, borders would be fairly open, allow road and rail traffic to pass freely from Maputo to Pemba. However, as of yet no diplomatic contact has been established.

The RENAMO government soon recieves messages from the Mozambique Commonwealth asking for a chance to sort out diplomatic kinks.

OOC: I'm assuming that the Do-28s you're referring to aren't WWII-era Dornier 28 Flying Boats, right?

OOC: I'm assuming that the Do-28s you're referring to aren't WWII-era Dornier 28 Flying Boats, right?

OCC: No, its a postwar light transport.

http://www.al-airliners.be/d-j/general/gen-do-28.jpg

Bump.

Although, Royce, in all fairness, it can be fitted with floats.

OOC: The Do-28 was a Flying Boat used by the Germans in WWII as well- at least I'm 99% sure it was. I haven't got my Axis Aircraft of WWII reference book handy...

The Roycelandian offers to help are all legitimate- basically doing the same job as the same companies would if they were Mozambiquean, but for less money and with better quality products and services.

The Mozambiquian parliament makes it known that, while foreign investment is encouraged, it would be good in the long run to develop some national industry. Subcontracting to Mozambiquian firms might be a start, but currently the largest industry is farming and the only manufacturing sector makes bicycles and small motors.

Part of the Contracts from Imperial Motors and Telecom Roycelandia would be to establish the infrastructure and then employ Mozambiqueans... so Imperial Motors could set up a Tractor Factory, train Mozambiqueans to work in it, and then allow them to build the Tractors to sell to Farmers, and so on.

Telecom Roycelandia would basically set up the necessary networks, train the staff, and once their investment had been recouped, withdraw, leaving the Mozambiquean Telecom Networks in the hands of the Mozambiqueans.

Imperial Motors, however, plan to stay on, providing jobs and technical support etc for their business... but the staff would be predominantly local, and at least half the managemement staff would be Mozambiquean too.

Crazy Ivan Inc. can provide some capital to back up any burgeoning Mozambiqan firms...

OCC: Sorry for the lengthy posting slump. And Royce, yeah I guess there is a Do-28 that fits your description. I guess Dornier started the naming scheme anew after the war.

IC:

In the end, Roycelandian companies are invited to set up shop in Mozambique. While they will have to comply with relatively strict Parliamentary environmental and labor laws, its still a fairly good deal. After all, the labor market is pretty large.

At the same time not wanting to appear hostile to Lusaka, Raoul Domingos makes plans to visit that nation and meet with Derek Igomo. He hopes to explain his nation's predicament and its neutrality concerning international politics, for the time being anyhow.

In the meantime, negotiations continue with Strathdonia. One topic that is considered possibly worth discussing is some kind of coastal boat squadron to control smuggling and provide a measure of defense against possible seaborne invasion. Colonel Camillo wasn't too keen on the navy, but still got ahold of a few small patrol boats. The ex-simban navy is not too shabbily furnished when it comes to naval vessels, operating six Osa-IIs and several other gunboats. A comprehensive upgrade would not be a bad thing, perhaps replacing the old "Styx" ASMs with Sea Skuas or, ideally, Sea Eagles.

Teh Strathdonian Government are msot ameiable to the idela of a coastal boat Squadron, even goign to the lengths of offering to fund upgrade work on the existing patrol craft as well as hinting that all 8 Nasher class PMF vessels be transproted from thier current bases on Lake Nyasa to base son the coast.
(pasically a ragtag bunch of vessels designed around the American Osprey class PTFs, probably over kill for the lake anyway. The 8 vessels consist of the following loadouts:
3 ver 1: 2 twin tube launchers for Sea Skua ASMs aft , 1 40mm gun fore, 1 Simbad launcher amidships
3 ver 2: 2 twin tube launchers for Sea Skua ASMs aft, 2 M230LFs (twin turret) fore, 2 GAU-19s amidships
2 ver 3: 2 40mm guns (fore and aft), 1 Simbad launcher+ 2 GAU-19s amidships)

The Defense committe is quite pleased, and work is started on getting three of the six Osas into the water. Drydocked upon the collapse of the last government, the three boats in question need a bit more care than the other ones, but will, at the very least, float even in their current state.

Workmen begin to refurbish the dockyards at Maputo and Pemba, hoping that sometime in the near future they will be used for something besides a great scrapyard.

Beira, Mozambique Free State

After a long period of diplomatic isolation whilst internal difficulties were resolved, Chief Executive Dhalakama sends a message to Prime Minister Domingos, requesting that talks begin to clarify the diplomatic situation between the two Mozambiquian nations. Without the approval of his cabinet, he also extends the possibility that Mozambique could be united, providing a deal was worked out whereby RENAMO was given adequate representation in the parliament.

Within the Free State, Mr. Kurtz still serving as Security Secretary had managed to establish a Free State Frontier Force of nearly 30,000 recruits, including quite a few who served in a reservist capacity, and when combined with the RENAMO militia force, made quite an effective fighting force, if one best suited for assymetric warfare. Using Elias loans, public sector workers could be paid, and infrastructure improvement had begun, as well as the task of creating a credible education system, and more importantly to find a way of enforcing government taxation. One problem facing the inhabitants was of rapid price inflation, at least for those who did not use foreign currency, as the use of the Elias Dinar became increasingly widepsread. As yet, the government could not determine a coherent policy issue, unsure whether to completely withdraw the rapidly devaluing Meticais and then to either introduce a new currency, or simply use Dinars. Due to the fact that all of the borders had been to a large extent closed since the founding of the Free State, trade had barely resumed, and as such the Free State's economy was being denied opportunity for recovery.

Given that the security situation within the Free State had improved markedly, the Elias Navy had begun the withdrawal of its marine units from Beira, and instead gifted crate loads of 'Muhannad' combat rifles, as well as 81mm mortars, Igla SAMs, and RPGs.

Raoul Domingos says publically that, while he would like to see a united Mozambique, he is uneasy about forcing the majority Mozambique Popular Coalition, a bloc of reformist parties concerned with poverty aleviation and disease prevention, to share power with RENAMO. While not wanting to appear hostile to the Mozambique Free State, Prime Minister Domingos communicates his discomfort when it comes to RENAMO's history.

"While I don't want to be unkind to our neighbors in the Mozambique Free State, I am not totally good with their ruling party's record, so to speak. Now I's no expert, but from what I read RENAMO is accused of brutality and abuses of human rights. We in the Mozambiqui Republic hold human rights as a founding principle and are equally not pleased with the party's roots in Rhodesia. But Parliament will, naturally, have the last word."

While unification with the Mozambique Free State is not considered to be off the table, it is unlikely unless the Free State can convince those in power in Maputo, no friends of the party's previous actions, that RENAMO has dealt with its past in an acceptable way.

But for the time being, the fledgling Parliament's diplomatic efforts are directed towards Lusaka, Strathdonia, and The African Commonwealth. Roycelandian companies are finally invited to set up shop in the nation, provided that they comply with Parliament's somewhat restrictive labor and environmental controls, and deals with Strathdonia are finalized as well. The Osas based off Maputo are finally all floated, and make their way up the coast towards Mocambique, where a group of repatriated engineers prepare to install Sea Skua launchers, with Strathdonian aid of course. A number of other naval vessels are either refurbished or created. A few fishing captains opt for a more steady income in the form of government employment and take aboard a primitive infra-red device, recoilless rifles, machine guns and a Parliamentary flag, and begin patrolling the Mozambique Channel.

The various Roycelandian companies have agreed to abide by Mozambiquean labour laws etc, in the interests of kick-starting the economy...

United Elias Beira, Mozambique Free State

Chief Executive Dhlakama had always been seen as representative of the RENAMO party's somewhat more liberal, more peaceful and democratic elements, and as such he felt it was in the interests of all citizens of Mozambique, that unity be brought about and a return to parliamentary democracy. However, he would have to tread lightly for fear of angering the hardcore militia wing of RENAMO, which after all was more or less responsible for the military overthrow of the previous government in these provinces. As such, he released a statement in response to Domingos's less than amicable words.

"If the desire of the Mozambique Popular Coalition is to achieve unity, if they want to see a more prosperous, a freer, a better Mozambique then I believe they would not be making short sighted, party political such comments about our organisation's history. We are proud of what we have achieved, and for decades we have attempted to reform a country which was run by a government lacking in ethical and moral values, and was fast on its way to becoming a jungle where there are no laws. I am the first to accept that we have performed actions of which we are not proud, but in the context of history I believe they were right, when you are facing such a tyrannical Marxist regime, force is the only language of dissent. Now, I once again ask that Prime Minister Domingo consider negotiations on a permanent settlement very carefully, and not compromise the future of this land in order to protect his own position."

OCC: Might as well get this started up again, eh?

IC:

To say that Raoul Domingos is in any danger of loosing his position as Prime Minister is quite a controversial statement. After all, the man is considered little less than the savior of Mozambique by a great many people, and it would by any standard be stingy to say that Raoul didn't take his life in his hands a number of times, between diving out a window from the police, walking through an army barricade, and staring down Colonel Camillo himself, while the Colonel was armed. And while mabye he's not the greatest politician or diplomat, Raoul Domingos has the charisma. At least his intentions are good.

As Roycelandian companies begin to set up branches in the new Mozambique commonwealth and a number of major public works projects, conducted jointly with Strathdonia, get underway, unemployment plummets. While still dismal by western standards, it is nonetheless a major accomplishment. Many of the Colonel's former military purchases are put up for sale, while much of the ex-Simban gear used by the southern provinces is written off in order to concentrate on upgrading what is still worth using. But with all borders relatively secure, and the least secure guarded by the Mozambique Commonwealth's most advanced equipments, military matters are relatively low on the new Parliament's list of priorities.

Raoul Domingos apologizes for his rashness, but explains that he is just suspicious of RENAMO's past and does not want to force on the Commonwealth and Parliament a union that they do not yet want. So, although Raoul himself is officially 'open' to a Mozambique Free State-Commonwealth of Mozambique union, at least in name, any sort of descision will have to wait until a formal diplomatic meeting is held, and after that until Parliament takes a vote on it.

But before long, a motorcade (well, mabye a Renault sedan and a couple Japanese-made pickup trucks) bearing diplomats arrives at the Free State-Commonwealth border, defended on the Commonwealth side by a few khaki-clad 'Parliamentary Police' with some FN-FAL rifles.

Domingo's apology represented enough of a political victory for the Free State, without which Chief Executive Dhlakama could not have justified the opening of negotiations to RENAMO's more zealous followers.

Therefore, the Commonwealth diplomats were allowed to enter. At the border, they would notice numerous defensive piositions, well manned by the fledgling Free State Frontier Force who's smart olive green unforms and unusually proficient parade drill would mask their actual, rather limited fighting ability. The small convoy would also be joined by a pair of camo coloured Mercedes 'G' class 4x4s carrying several personnel of the RENAMO militia, mostly to ensure the delegation's security, but also prevent any diversions away from the road to Beira.

Once in the city they would be taken immediately to Government House and be met with appropriate military honours before being greeted by Dhlakama who would be keen to negotiate a settlement of some sort.

The Commonwealth's diplomats are visibly alarmed at the presence of an armed militia escort. After all, many of the Mozambique Commonwealth's leadership were on the run from RENAMO or some other rebel faction at some time in their lives.

The driver follows the Mercedes jeeps closely, taking care to stay at a calm speed and never to get too close. Once in Beira, the diplomats step out of their cramped Renault (there are four diplomats plus the driver), and the Toyota pickups disembark their own two-person contingents of Border Police, dressed in the standard khaki and peaked cap with long socks and armed with webley revolvers. The Border Police salute the diplomats and RENAMO troops before they begin to mill around by the Renault.

Meanwhile, the Parliamentary Commission on Defense takes stock of the new Mozambique military.

Niassa province came out the best in the whole situation, without a doubt. And with them, they took a large chunk of relatively modern aircraft that would have gone to the CoM. Likewise, the majority of former Simban ground equipment was either captured by Strathdonian units or seized by RENAMO. However, the delivery of a number of modern British equipments including Alvis Saxon, Stormer, and Scorpion armored vehicles as well as six BAe Hawk Mk.200s has gone a long way in enhancing the CoMDF's capabilities.

The CoMDF-A operates around 12 ex-Simban T-55 medium tanks, a number (its quite difficult to pin down, especially considering the sporadic maintainance conditions of equipment) of Panhard AML (mostly AML-90 and -60) armored cars, a number of BTR-70 and BTR-152 APCs, 10 Alvis Stormer APCs, 10 Alvis Scorpion scout vehicles, 6 Alvis Saxon APCs, and a number of 75mm, 105mm, 130mm, and 122mm light guns along with recoilless rifles and light rocket launchers. The CoMDF-A has largely abandoned Colonel Camillo's French AMX-13s and ERC-90s, citing both the difficulty involved in getting spares and their association with the old Colonel's despotic regime. About two thousand full-time and mabye twice as many part-time personnel operate and maintain this equipment, and are armed with a variety of British, Soviet, American, and Roycelandian weapons.

The CoMDF-AF has, besides its six BAe Hawks, three BAe Hunter FGA.9s, one indeterminate Hunter (most likely a HAL-built variant dating from the 1970's), one Mirage III, eight MiG-21bis, and three MiG-17s. A helicopter wing comprising two Mi-8s, two Alouette IIIs, and one Alouette II operates out of Pemba and Maputo, and a small transport contingent made up of several Do-28s and An-24s is generally used for diplomatic and liason work. Training is performed on, besides two of those Hawks, one MiG-15UTI and a Ralleye light plane. Training enough pilots to fly the CoMDF-AF's aircraft is a problem, and plans are underway to send pilot candidates to Strathdonia. The Hawks, being the most modern aircraft, are the only types with assigned pilots. Only five out of the eight MiG-21s and two MiG-17s have trained pilots, and all the Hunters are flown by two Zimbabwean defectors. The HAL-built Hunter gets most of the flying time, given the fact that replacement parts are readily available given the fact that HAL continues to produce and upgrade the Hunter. There is a large number of written-off airframes, used to supply spares to those capable of flight.

The CoMDF-N is probably in the best shape relative to the other Commonwealth services. Six Osa-IIs are listed as in service, although only half that number are fully operational. These are currently undergoing a major refit, which will see them re-equipped with Sea Skua (possibly Sea Eagle) ASMs and outfitted for service in the joint CoM-Strathdonian coastal squadron. Complimenting the Osas are a number of armed fishing boats, generally carrying spotlights, assault rifles, and machine guns and repainted in a more official livery.

The CoMDF-N might acquire Tarantul or Dvora patrol boats in the future, while the CoMDF-AF might possibly buy 3-5 Gripens.

The Roycelandian Government is also offering Mozambique a number of PBRs and a couple of Insect-Class River Gunboats, if they're interested...

OCC: Eh, I suppose this is what happens when you write a post over the course of several hours.

Oh well.

IC:

The Parliamentary Commission on Defense is very thankful for the Roycelandian offer, but it makes clear the fact that military procurement will have to wait until the CoMDF has a greater number of trained soldiers, sailors, and pilots.

In other matters, Raoul Domingos continues to make diplomatic visits across southeast Africa, stopping in Swazliand and South Africa after the very productive mission to Strathdonia. Lusaka and Roycelandia are highly likely as future destinations.

eh...bump

OOC: sorry for the very long delay in replying.

Yeah i think Strathdonia would likely be happy to offer a training deal and perhaps soem of shared support infrastructure for the Hawks (kind of the like the franco-belgian deals in RL) particularly if we can get to fly our jags and Mirage2ks over the sea where we would ahve more scope for super sonic training.

Perhaps you might be interested in one of the SDF cavalry or inf divsions send troops for an exercise or two, of course reciprocal visist to Falkirk range would be offered.

OCC: Yeah that would be very good, although the CoMDF-A doesn't have much more than a regiment's strength on hand at the present time.

IC: Parliament is very quick to accept Strathdonian offers in the way of training programs and joint excersizes. It would be very good for the relatively inexperienced CoMDF to gain some idea of what a potential conflict would look like, and to become familiar with the limitations of their equipment.

While three of the CoMDF-A's active battalions are deployed on internal duties, the one armored battalion, which operates most of the T-55s and Stormers, would be perfectly free to engage in excersizes.

The SADF is welcome to operate from CoMDF-AF facilities, many of which are home to only one or two flightworthy aircraft, along the Mozambique Channel. In general, former Simban military airfields are not in terribly good condition, kept in a state sufficient to support their resident aircraft, which themselves may or may not be safe to fly. However, the biggest airfields, at Pemba and Inhambane, should be able to support advanced western types. (OCC: I believe that you've already got a couple of Mirage 2000s at Pemba, perhaps some Hawks too, and definately some Hawks in Niassa.)

CoMDF-AF pilots are not so much unskilled as they are underequipped. What few non-essential flights they get in on their MiGs and Hunters are rarely more than short forays around their home airfield, limited by an acute shortage of aviation fuel, the bulk of which is reserved for the much more modern and capable Hawk 200s.

OCC:

A quick rundown of the CoMDF:

CoMDF-A:

1st Infantry Battalion
-500 troops
-3 Alvis Saxons
-4 Alvis Scorpions
-8 BTR-152s
-4 T-55s
-4 BTR-70s
-approx. 30 trucks and jeeps
-6 Milan ATGWs

2nd Support Battalion
-653 troops
-2 Alvis Saxons
-4 BTR-152s
-4 AML-90s
-approx. 40 trucks and jeeps

3rd Artillery Battalion
-406 troops
-1 Alvis Saxon
-2 Alvis Scorpions
-3 BTR-152s
-12 RPU-14 MRLs
-6 105mm Light Guns
-2 D-30 122mm Field Howitzers
-1 D-36 Field Howitzer
-4 Milan ATGWs

4th Armored Battalion
-460 troops
-8 T-55s
-10 Alvis Stormers
-4 Alvis Scorpions
-approx. 20 trucks and jeeps
-6 Milan ATGWs

CoMDF-AF:

No.1 Squadron
-6 MiG-21bis
No. 2 Squadron
-2 MiG-21bis
-3 MiG-17s
No. 3 Squadron
-4 Hunter FGA.9/F.70
-1 Mirage III
No. 4 Squadron
-4 BAe Hawk 200s
No. 5 Squadron
-2 BAe Hawks (trainers)
-1 MiG-15UTI
-1 Aerospatiale Ralleye
No. 6 Squadron
-3 An-24s
-3 An-2s
-4 Do-28Ds
No. 7 Squadron
-2 Mi-8s
-2 Alouette IIIs
-1 Alouette II

CoMDF-N:

Coastal Boat Section
-3 Osa II Missile FACs

(Sorry for the long delay in replying)

Beira

The Commonwealth delegates would find themselves in a meeting with Chief Executive Dhlakama, just Chief Executive Dhlakama. No aides were present, nor any Ministers, indicating that there was by no means consensus on this issue. Nevertheless, the RENAMO leader offered kind words of praise for the Commonwealth's government and he extended his personal wish that the Mozambique Free State could become part of a united democracy. The stumbling block for him would be what his counterparts could offer in terms of RENAMO's representation, and in reassuring him that there previous militancy would not continue in a peaceful enviroment he also spoke of the widespread support that the group enjoyed nationally, among both whites and blacks.

Outside Government House, a hastily arranged 'spontaneous' demonstration of RENAMO had brought several thousand locals to the centre of the city, shouting praise for their government so that it was just audible within the meeting room.

The Commonwealth border policemen are quick to get out of the demonstration's way, and hop into the back of their pickup. They try and avoid making eye contact with the RENAMO demonstrators, fearful of provoking an incident.

Inside Government House, the Commonwealth diplomats praise the Free State's government for its various accomplishments, sincerely or not, and also express a desire to also see Mozambique formed into one unified parliamentary democracy. They state their intent to use the present negotiations in order to 'start the ball rolling,' so to speak, on Mozambiquian unification. The Commonwealth Parliament, as well as Prime Minister Raoul Domingos, they say, are both quite willing to accept and support the creation of one Mozambique, with a parliament made up of whatever parties can get themselves elected. While a final settlement on the status of the Free State and Commonwealth is surely far off, not to mention elections themselves, the meeting certainly conveys the Commonwealth's desire to establish good relations with the Free State, in spite of its right-wing, pro South African roots.

Beira

Chief Executive Dhlakama answers the delegation with a warning that the process of unification should be as quick as possible, as the more time that elapsed the more entrenched divisions would become and that this polarisation could prevent democracy from taking hold. He suggests a roadmap towards this objective: Firstly, the two nations would agree to a constitution that would guarantee certain rights, democracy and the rule of law to the people's of a united Mozambique. Secondly, a referendum would take place in the Commonwealth and the Free State and then with popular consent, the unification would actually occur. Immediately following this, a general election would follow to determine the make up of the legislature and who would be Head of State.

To begin this process, Dhlakama suggests that the two nations immediately sign a free trade treaty as well as a non-aggression pact. He also expresses his wish that he could visit Maputo and meet President Domingo for face to face talks on the issue.



OOC: Since you've posted the Commonwealth's military, I thought I'd follow suit:


Organised Forces for Security and National Defence of the Free State of Mozambique

Free State Frontier Force (FSFF)

Officially formed under the authorization of the Department of Security, with the aim of protecting national interests and preserving the sovereignty of the Free State. It is primarily a professional force, with all personnel being voluntary recruits, approximately half of which serve in a reserve capacity. The air and sea elements of the frontier force suffer from more acute equipment shortages than the ground force. All three branches operate under a radically different command ethos than the RENAMO militia and is designed for conventional conflicts rather than to deal with guerilla and asymmetric warfare which, it could be argued, pose the greatest threat to the Free State. Equipment is mostly sourced from those that fell into Free State hands after the collapse of the Maputo government, donations from United Elias and those smuggled by RENAMO from neighboring states.

Brigade Alpha (HQ Beira)

Units:

-2 Mechanised Rifle Battalions 1,190
-8 Rifle Battalions 4,184
-1 Tank Regiment (3 Battalions) 483
-2 Motor Logistics Battalions: 1,116
-1 Combat Service Support Battalion: 904
-1 Anti-Tank Gun Battalion: 628
-1 Artillery Battalion: 485

Total Personnel: 8,990

Major Equipment:
96 T-55 Tanks
115 BMP-1/2
24 2A45 125mm anti-tank guns
24 D-30 122mm Towed Howitzers
+Light Vehicles

Brigade Bravo (HQ Chimoio)

Units:

-1 Tank Regiment (3 Battalions) 483
-4 Rifle Battalions 2,092
-1 Motor Logistics Battalions: 448
-1 Combat Service Support Battalion: 510
-1 Artillery Battalion: 485

Total Personnel: 3,578

Major Equipment:
48 T-55 Tanks
24 D-30 122mm Towed Howitzers
+Light Vehicles

Free State Frontier Air Corps (FSFAC)

1st Squadron (Beira)
9 Mig-21s

2nd Squadron (Catandica)
11 Mig-19s

3rd Squadron (Beira)
3 An-12s
6 DC-3s

4th Squadron (Beira)
6 Mi-24Vs
3 Mi-17s

5th Squadron (Catandica)
4 Mi-24Vs
2 Mi-17s

Free State Maritime Security Force (FSMSF)

Approximately 300 personnel, numerous small boats and river craft

RENAMO Militia

Strength of approximately 10,000 in various states of organisation or lack thereof. About two-thirds is under direct control from Beira, s many members operate across neighboring borders with only loose connection to the Free State government. Nearly all members serve on part-time on a voluntary basis, although several hundred are professionals who serve as protection personnel for government officials and in domestic intelligence capacities.

The Commonwealth delegation agrees to Chief Executive Dhlakama's roadmap, stating that, while the Commonwealth is committed to a unified Mozambique in the shortest possible time, they were simply wary of mashing the RENAMO free state and the Commonwealth together without at least some time to prepare. Although the commonwealth isn't FRELIMO, it certainly isn't RENAMO either. Formed by people attempting to end factional violence at the hands of the two warring parties, the Mozambique Commonwealth and Raoul Domingos especially are not terribly excited about allowing either one to gain seats on the new Parliament. But in the name of progress, it is concluded, it must be done.

Back in Beira, the Commonwealth delegates also approve the idea of a free trade treaty and non-aggression pact, and go a step further. They say that the Mozambique Commonwealth is prepared to dismantle its border guard posts pending Beira's consent. When it comes to visiting Maputo, Dhlakama is more than welcome. As plans for a trip to Lusaka are finalized, PM Domingos is in Maputo for a few days at least, and if it is more convenient, they say, Domingos could even be flown up to Beria aboard his new Devon.

bump

I'll have another post up tomorrow for sure.

The CoMDF would be very keen on joint excersizes with Strathdonia, especially when it comes to air warfare. The Ministry of Defense has also expressed its readiness to add several companies of the 1st Battalion (Infantry) to the Strathdonian peacekeeping contingent in Nigeria.

OCC: Hey UE, I'm about to post a thread in Invision for a Mozambique factbook. Mind typing up some stuff about the Free State?

OOC: Posted some stuff on there, good idea LRR.

IC:

Dhlakama, responds favourably to the idea of fully opening the border between the two nations and reducing tensions along the frontier. He suggests an immediate visit to Maputo where the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Respect can be signed. He also states his willingess to have a joint press conference with PM Domingos, where the roadmap can be announced.

The Elias Foreign Affairs Ministry also releases a statement saying that it is prepared to restore full diplomatic relations with the Commonwealth of Mozambique, and quietly hints to Domingos that if the roadmap was succesfully implemented, a united Mozambique would inherit the same favourable trade terms and development assistance that had so far been given to the Free State.

With Raoul Domingos due in Maputo in two days, in order to pay a visit to the southern parliament before continuing to Lusaka, the delegation in Beria suggest that date for Dhlakama's visit.

Recieving requests from the Commonwealth of Mozambique regarding the export of British made defence systems, the new parliamentary select committee setup to deal with such matters formulates an answer. The advice of the committee given to the Secretary of State for Defence is that no such exports should be granted to either of the Mozambiquian nations, until the matter of soveriegnty is resolved. In line with British foriegn policy objectives in regard to spreading peace in Africa, it is stated that to assist in arming one faction made raise tensions at a time when an agreement is close. A promise is also made that a united Mozambique that has succesfully implemented a democratic constitution, would be permitted to purchase defence systems from UK companies, and also be a candidate for recieiving financial assistance from the UK government. In the interim, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office ask permission to increase the size of their diplomatic mission in Maputo and also offer to send civil engineering and healthcare advisors to assist in making efficient development plans.

Several British companies are also eyeing up Mozambique for foreign direct investment and enquire into the Commonwealth's trade and fiscal policy. Large British based multinationals are also interested in government related contracts, with Vodafone looking at setting up an extensive celluar phone network.

(hey TBF, nice to see you back, I was begining to think we had lost you as well)

Accepting the invitation to Maputo, Dhlakama is quickly flown south on a recently refurbished DC-3. Flying with just a small entourage, the visit is mostly symbolic with much of the negotiation already taken place. On the other hand he also wants to meet Domingos for himself and judge whether he thinks that the man’s word could be trusted. The sticking point in the re-unification plan was going to be to ensure that RENAMO and the right-wing in general was adequately represented and also to try and see that a certain amount of Federalism was included in the constitution.

***

Sitting in his office at the Department of Security, Kurtz was reading the bye-laws of the RENAMO Standing Committee. He was not happy. His unofficial masters in Baghdad had finally cancelled his contract, the mission had been terminated. It seemed that even UE wanted to turnover the Free State to the Namby-Pamby commonwealthers. However, no longer being on anyone other than the Free State’s payroll meant that he now had the freedom to act for himself, a freedom he would exercise...

Quickly apologizing for their rashness in attempting to acquire advanced military hardware and re-stating that the CoMDF's first priority is training for peacekeeping missions, the Ministry of Defense also states that it means no ill will towards the Mozambique Free State and is, if anything, concerned with recent troubles in Al Khals.

After all, with Strathdonia watching the Commonwealth's back for the time being, things would really have to be 'down the tubes' in order for the nation to be invaded without plenty of international fuss, or so thinks Parliament. It is also proposed that the CoMDF and FSFF begin training together, in order to facilitate a more capable and unified, apolitical, military.

The UK is also notified that it is more than welcome to establish a larger diplomatic presence in Mozambique, as it is hoped that the nation will serve as a largely neutral, stable, and wholly agreeable state through which Africa and the rest of the world will be able to communicate. Raoul Domingos' well-publicized plans to bring Lusaka and Strathdonia closer together, and whispers about inviting the British to establish an airbase in the nation, are all part of a comperehensive plan to improve measurably the standard of living in southern Africa and minimize what PM Domingos has termed 'sectarian violence' in the name of a particular political movement. Health and engineering advisors are quite welcome as well, as development projects are the single largest employers in the Commonwealth and draw on the talents of many foreign or African expatriate experts. As for businesses, they too will face few obstacles to setting up subsidiaries in Mozambique besides the scandanavian-style environmental and labor regulations inacted by Parliament.

As Dhlakama arrives in Maputo, he is met by an escort of three MiG-21s out of Inhambane, the Commonwealth's primary jet facility (despite the fact that it operates more than three times the number of cannibalized hulks than flyable aircraft), a considerable gesture given the acute shortage of aviation fuel, the vast majority of which is kept to serve the Hawks in Pemba.

When the DC-3 arrives at Maputo airport, taxiing past Domingos' Devon, Dhlakama finds the Prime Minister himself waiting at the apron, flanked by several functionaries and a band, which starts into 'God Save The Queen.'

OCC: Excellent to see you back in the swing of things TBF.

OCC: Eh, I hope you don't mind if I move it along a bit, UE...

IC:

Dhlakama is ushered over to an open tent several tens of meters away, around which stands a crowd of functionaries, reporters, and camera crews, the center of which is a relatively small wooden table and pair of chairs. Attache case'd functionaries form the inner layer of the clot of people, and they wait for Mozambique's two heads of state (one with quite a bit more real power than the other, though) to sit down as the band continues to play God Save The Queen.

OCC: Lusaka, you're coming right up next. Once Raoul has settled things with RENAMO he will pop over to meet Derek Igomo. :)

That is, of course, if Kurtz doesn't put a bullet into him before the affair is over.

A friendly bump.

OOC: 'God Save the Queen'? You do realise that the Free State is an independant soverign republic?

IC:

Greeting his counterpart with a highly over-emphasised handshake,
Dhlakama quickly approaches the waiting journalists with quite a bit of enthusaism, making several comments with sweeping phrases such as 'a fresh start', a coming 'golden age of unity' etc.

***

After a lengthy discussion with State Secretary McMahon, currently the acting Chairman of the RENAMO party with Dhaklama's absence, Kurtz had managed to persuade the man to call an emergency meeting.

That evening, in a crowded room within Government House, two hundred or so members of the RENAMO Standing Committee gathered. Sitting on a raised platform on a panel, both Kurtz, McMahon and the other members of the 'Executive Committee' looked out at the members, who were unruly, many shouting at one another.

Colonel McMahon, as he was known, knocked an ivory gavel, "I hereby call this meeting to order. There is only one item on today's agenda, a vote of confidence in the Chief Executive of the RENAMO party. I yield to the proposer of the motion, Free State Security Secretary Frederick Kurtz."

Kurtz, sitting stern faced in a jet black suit, rose to face the now silent crowd, "Today in Maputo, our national leader, the face of our political ideology stands next to communists, compromising our future, bargaining away our children's liberty and future! I have kept my silence until now, believing that our Chief Executive intended only to further the privelages of independance, but he seeks only to revoke them! We have a decision that must be made here and now, can we desert what we have fought all our lives for, the values we hold dear? Should we give up our struggle as soon as we have won? It is my belief that we cannot, we should not, and that we will not give in to the enemies of prosperity, the proponents of oppression and that we should continue to assert ourselves as a people and as a nation! I urge you all to rescind the confidence you have entrusted to that treacherous imposter and in so doing, safeguard our values."

OCC: Well, its supposedly the only official anthem that the band knows.

IC:

After both of Mozambique's Prime Ministers say a few words to the press, and once the band disperses, Raoul Domingos shows Alfonso Dhlakama to the table. A functionary brings out a small plate of cheese and crackers, and the discussion begins.

Being filmed and broadcast live, nothing terribly important is said, especially considering most of the heavy work was already taken care of in Quelimane. Raoul indicates that he is quite ready to step down as Prime Minister after a successful referendum on union, and would like to see Parliamentary elections take place as soon as possible. The Free State Frontier Force's place in the new Mozambique is as of now undecided, but it is hoped that, after the necessary force reductions, it will be added to the much smaller CoMDF without many problems. Of course, should the CoMDF's list of orders from British defense companies be approved, there won't be much need for the very many T-55s and other assorted items of outdated Soviet and Chinese equipment. After all, there isn't much in Sub-Saharan Africa (except for Al-Khali Abramses) that can really compete with Challenger 2s.

(OOC: Though in certain situations with the right factors in place, it would be unwise to dismiss the composite-armoured 120mm-gunned Lusakan Olifant L-2! Also fielded by the African Commonwealth. Okay, debatable, don't mind me : ) )

OCC: Oh, I didn't know about that. Well, I think its still fair to say that the Challenger 2 is still better than even the modern Olifants, they being based on the Centurion and all.

(OOC: Aye, can't argue with that. But if a Challenger came upon enemy Olifants it'd want to fight to the very upmost of its crew's ability in order to survive, as opposed to easily taking-on T-54s with half the crew asleep or brewing a pot of tea :) )

Of course, I'd put the HT-1 up against most Modern Tanks... ph34r my 125mm main gun and dual 88mm auxiliary guns! :D

Bah there is simply nothing better than a good horde of Shermans with 60mm HV guns, Sheridans, TAMs and T-55s with 75mm HV guns and the odd centurion with its awe inspiring 105mm gun...

And you wonder why juts about every tactical aircraft in the strathdonian inventory has a AT capability...

actually the 75mm HV gun is a pretty awesoem weapon considering it has the pwoder charge a NATO 120mm round behind it or is it a 105mm, anyway it does have enough velocity to punch through the vast majority of modern armour schemes, its just we have a tendecy to mount it on platforms that cna be taken out by a stray gust of wind :)

I really really want a rifled L30 120mm gun for any new heavy tanks i eventually buy.


Anyway back on topic things seem to be heating up.

Royce: i take it you still have troops in Quelimane? i hope i'm not stepping on any toes by operating the Coastal boat squadron from there.

IC:
Despite Strathdonia's generally capitalist stance the government have taken a liking to Raoul and might be willing to make concessions concerning the Zambezia Porvince if it might aide Mr Domingo's and Dhlakama's quest to reunify thier country by gaining them popular and political support.

The Commomwealth oofer of help with the Nigerian situation is gladly welcomed and the Strathdonian makes a number of press releases concerning the ongoign coopoeration between the two nations defence forces generally pointing out that that this is oien of those nice friendly left wing antions and not some bunch of flag wavign reds like say the Lusakans of the past (it is of course obvious that the govenrment's public attitude to lusaka has calmed down slightly in recent months).

OOC: No, go ahead... We've got troops in Quelimane and control the port, airport, and Customs Facilities... but Strathdonia is more than welcome to operate the Coastal Boat Squadron from there.

OOC: No, go ahead... We've got troops in Quelimane and control the port, airport, and Customs Facilities... but Strathdonia is more than welcome to operate the Coastal Boat Squadron from there.

Actually i think the airport was firmly in the hands of the Strathdonian parachute regiment but I imagine there is soem sort of joint administration of it's facilities.

anywa its all cool :)

Bah there is simply nothing better than a good horde of Shermans with 60mm HV guns, Sheridans, TAMs and T-55s with 75mm HV guns and the odd centurion with its awe inspiring 105mm gun...

And you wonder why juts about every tactical aircraft in the strathdonian inventory has a AT capability...

actually the 75mm HV gun is a pretty awesoem weapon considering it has the pwoder charge a NATO 120mm round behind it or is it a 105mm, anyway it does have enough velocity to punch through the vast majority of modern armour schemes, its just we have a tendecy to mount it on platforms that cna be taken out by a stray gust of wind :)

I really really want a rifled L30 120mm gun for any new heavy tanks i eventually buy.


Anyway back on topic things seem to be heating up.

Royce: i take it you still have troops in Quelimane? i hope i'm not stepping on any toes by operating the Coastal boat squadron from there.

IC:
Despite Strathdonia's generally capitalist stance the government have taken a liking to Raoul and might be willing to make concessions concerning the Zambezia Porvince if it might aide Mr Domingo's and Dhlakama's quest to reunify thier country by gaining them popular and political support.

The Commomwealth oofer of help with the Nigerian situation is gladly welcomed and the Strathdonian makes a number of press releases concerning the ongoign coopoeration between the two nations defence forces generally pointing out that that this is oien of those nice friendly left wing antions and not some bunch of flag wavign reds like say the Lusakans of the past (it is of course obvious that the govenrment's public attitude to lusaka has calmed down slightly in recent months).

OCC: Well now that you mention it putting ATGW launch rails on An-2s and An-24s is on the CoMDF-AF's to-do list.

IC:

Raoul Domingos recieves the news of a possible return of Zambezia to Mozambiquian soveriegnty entheusiastically, and the Deputy Prime Minister is sent to Strathdonia in order to discuss it. (With PM Domingos' own long-overdue visit to Lusaka scheduled for immediately after the meeting with Alfonso Dhlakama, only his immediate subordinate is available for other tasks).

The CoMDF's Nigeria peacekeeping commitment, consisting of around 250 personnel from the 1st, 2nd, and 4th battalions and including two Fv101 light tanks, assembles at Pemba and prepares to be transported into Strathdonia.

As for the Coastal Patrol Squadron, the Commonwealth's three floating Osas, re-equipped with Sea Eagle missiles and slightly more modern electronics systems, make their way up from Maputo to Quelimane.

Eh, bump.

(I'm out of date. What have I missed? And what's going on in Nigeria, now? I wasn't around enough to follow exactly what the hell the Russians were doing. Peacekeeping forces? Damn you, ever moving world!)

Let me see if I can give you a brief summary:

The Commonwealth of Mozambique and the Mozambique Free State are on the verge of unification, although this may yet be stopped by action from RENAMO...

Nigeria was more or less invaded by Russia and Roycelandia...

Before we do much more in this thread, UE really needs to show up!

(sorry for delays!)

The special meeting of the Standing Committee had been adjourned with a bland statement of the result of the vote. The delegates sat quietly as the verdict was announced and accepted it, either because they had supported the motion, or had resigned themselves to the process.

Immediately an informal meeting of the cabinet had been called. McMahon had by default become Chief Executive, but there was no swearing in, no official transition of authority. Instead he calmly asked each of the Ministers for support and urged them to set aside their loyalties to Dhaklama and accept the decision of the party. Overall there was little dissent, other than Fernando Taipo, Secretary for Finance and Economics who promptly tendered his resignation. McMahon stated his intention that his premiership should be temporary and expressed his intention that a new leader be elected by the RENAMO party membership, or perhaps even the general citizenry.

Statements to the press were minimal other than an insipid written release from an official spokesman simply saying that ‘The RENAMO Standing Committee had voted that Chief Executive Dhaklama no longer represented the views of the party and that his agenda was determined not to be conducive to the national and common good’.

***

In mid-conversation with Domingos, Alfonso Dhaklama is suddenly ushered aside by a concerned aide. After some brief whispering, the Chief Executive returns to his negotiations.

While Raoul Domingos doesn't worry much about Dhlakama's being pulled aside for a moment, until of course one of his own aides interrupts in mid conversation to tell the Prime Minister that RENAMO had removed Alfonso Dhlakama from power. And as far as any Commonwealth official could tell, that rendered negotiations essentially meaningless.

Such a move was hardly expected, and Parliament is called to an emergency session while Raoul and Alfonso sit at the airport. Many MPs fear that RENAMO's actions will eventually lead to an all-out invasion of the Mozambique Commonwealth, although the majority still comes out in favor of gradual diplomatic engagement with the Free State. The deputy Prime Minister voices his support for sending another diplomatic mission to meet with the RENAMO leadership and determine just what is going on, and a response team of sorts, consisting of regional experts in government employ and a number of other public servants, is readied for the trip to Beria while RENAMO itself is telegrammed.

Alfonso Dhlakama is of course offered accomodation in the Commonwealth for as long as he might be needing it.

A dilapidated Mi-17 helicopter flew westwards, low over the fertile plains of central Mozambique, Heading from Beira to Catandica, Chief Executive McMahon and several aides sat on metal and canvass seats in the cramped, kerosene smelling cabin. On the beginnings of a rapid tour of the country, where he would begin briefing senior military and local officials on his plan to hold elections, hopefully creating a plan to make it happen in a free and secure manner. A few minutes after crossing from the border of Sofala and Manica province, the helicopter jerked suddenly as the pilots wrestled the controls to evade a pair of orange streaks that headed skyward from the ground below. Despite their efforts, one of the Strela-7 man-portable surface to air missiles exploded behind the helicopter, destroying the tail rotor. Spinning wildly out of control the rotorcraft plummeted earthwards, slamming into the ground and erupting in a ball of flame.

***

In Beira, Kurtz hung up the phone. Success; his ascension was complete. Next in the line of succession, he immediately he called his first cabinet meeting. The Cabinet Room inside government house had just been refurbished in a traditional style, with an oval mahogany table dominating. As he entered, the rest of the ministers had already arrived and been kept purposefully waiting. They would have already noticed change; the recently painted portrait of Dhaklama had been removed. There was also another empty seat.

Dr. Sigmund Kurtz was an enigma, his biographical details known to no one in the Free State with the exception of the deceased McMahon. He entered, accompanied by a pair of armed and uniformed guards from the RENAMO militia. Sitting in the Chief Executive’s chair, he began with a minute of silence for his predecessor who had managed less than twenty-four hours in office. Then he said just one phrase, “Close the borders.” This order, delivered in a solemn authoritative tone concluded the meeting and without waiting for any response from the cabinet, he stood up and left the room.


An hour later in the press room of Government House, a podium and backdrop had been hurriedly arranged. The format for this was to be different than most press statements. There was no audience of assembled press journalists, as the main part of the room was to be kept clear. Instead the event would simply be covered by microphones and also cameras positioned at the back of the room. The result was that Kurtz could walk down a relatively long red carpet from one side of the room to the other, which was completely empty save for a long line of RENAMO flags on either side wall. As he did this, the Prelude to Act III of Wagner’s ‘Lohengrin’ was played over a sound system, this rather threatening and imperial piece not chosen out of coincidence.

Kurtz reached the lectern as the music ceased, leaving silence for a few seconds before he began his most dramatic discourse, “Alas! Great treachery has been committed on this day against our nation! Forever the face of this land will now be marred by the memory of such a heinous act committed against a national hero, a long time servant of our great endeavour towards liberty and independence.

“Let it be known to the enemies of our state, the communists, the extremists, the anarchists who dare to live among us as they subvert our way of life, that we will not tolerate your efforts to undermine the veritable society we are building. For the seditious there will be no mercy. Once in our charge, you will have the common rights that you attempted to destroy withdrawn from you. There will be no thought of family or country, of relationships. The damned will howl and scream at one another, their torture and rage intensified by the presence of beings tortured and raging like themselves. All sense of humanity will be forgotten. Those that conspire against us will be smitten with a never-ending storm of darkness, dark flames and dark smoke of burning brimstone, amid which the bodies of the treacherous will be heaped one upon another without even a glimpse of air! We will bring to you the very of fire of hell, fire that gives forth no light. We will purge relentlessly all the scum and malevolence that stands in our path! To those treasonous ones, imagine your body devoured by fire and giving off dense choking fumes of nauseous loathsome decomposition. Then imagine your fetid carcasses massed together in the reeking darkness, a huge and rotting human fungus, a jellylike mass of liquid corruption.

“The yells of the suffering traitors will be forgotten as we in this society light another fire; one of light, one of warmth, a torch of liberty that we shall carry forth for generations. On this day, I will overcome the wickedness of the few and I will empower the many with new prospects for every citizen. We have always abhorred the foul scourge of communism, but capitalism must itself be questioned. The key to the success of this nation is to spread ownership. Men work harder and more readily when they work on that which is their own; they learn to love the very soil which yields in response to the labour of their hands, not only food to eat, but an abundance of the good things for themselves and those that are dear to them. If as many people as possible become owners, then that fatal separation of ownership and work will be, if not removed, at least lessened. We will no longer come to see ourselves as rivals or competitors, but as brothers, brothers engaged in the very important work of building their nation for those that succeed us on this earth. This change to our economic system will forever shape our future in prosperity and guarantee dignity to all. We will start in efforts to change our economy, but we must also focus on changing men's hearts. In the Middle Ages, brothers joined together into guilds, engaged priests to pray for their dead, supported their widows and orphans with insurance funds, and looked after one another. We shall do so again!”

Following Kurtz's speech, Mozambique's twin parliaments pass a resolution proclaiming the independence and right to self-determination of the Commonwealth of Mozambique. With the prospect of a multilateral unification with the Free State mostly off the table, the Ministry of Defense begins to advocate the enlargement of the CoMDF, and also pushes for closer military ties with Strathdonia and Lusaka...

The Strathdonian Govenrment reacts to the speach with a fair degree of bemusment, what exactly is Kurtz on about? what exactly is he advocating? etc etc.

Anyway the forces currently stationed in Zambezia and Tete regions have been reinforced, in particular by the arrival of a full squadron of Mirage 2000s, wether this is in repsonse to Lusakan moves against Zimbabwe or as an attempt to put preasure on the RENAMO leadership is entirely up to the observers own interpretation.

The UK High Commission in Maputo, also highly confused at this rapid turn of events, decides to keep recognising Dhaklama as the leader of the Free State, and asks governments in the region to do the same. In a typically British approach, it is hoped that when Kurtz realises he is being ignored by the international community, he will get disheartened and give up.

As far as trade is concerned, Britain had relatively little to do with the Free State and this is unlikely to change. Strict sanctions on anything of a military nature remain in place on exports both to the Commonwealth of Mozambique and also the Free State.

Day Two, Year Zero

In Beira, some major changes had occurred over what was barely twenty-four hours. First of all, the Cabinet had been renamed the ‘Praesidium’, and the position of head of state and government was changed from Chief Executive to Chairman of the Praesidium. Chairman Kurtz, had also appointed the Congolese Jospeh Makola as Security Secretary as an interim until others could show themselves to be loyal to the new agenda.

With the post of State Secretary as yet unfilled, Kurtz temporarily handles all diplomatic communications personally. Messages are sent to Maputo saying that the closure of the frontier is a measure prevent 'the escape of terrorist elements' responsible for the assasination of McMahon. The tone of the message is cordial stressing that although unification plans were shelved, the Free State had no belligerent inclinations towards the Commonwealth. It is stated also that the RENAMO agenda had been completely altered and that the Free State would soon be a prototype for a new economic order.

The implementation of this radical new economic policy that Kurtz had alluded to in his first speech would be started immediately. With over 80% of the workforce employed in the agricultural sector, it would be the first sector to be affected.

In a little known agricultural community to the South of Beira, the very first 'Agricultural Association' was founded. The theory of the Association: Instead of each land owner paying a wage to an employee, every person involved, from the landlord to the peasant labourer would finally have a stake in the business. The rules of these Associations were simple; they could be no smaller than 100 people and no larger than 5000 people. The membership would vote yearly for an Association President, Secretary and Treasurer. Each farm involved would contribute all of its profits to the Association. These profits would then be used to pay a small percentage in taxation to the government as well as pay for community education, insurance and healthcare plans. However, the majority of these funds would then be given to the farmers back in the form of a dividend. The size of each member’s share however was calculated on how much land the Association member owned in the case of a land owner, or the amount of years worked/seniority etc in terms of a labourer. The net result was that there would be no competition between neighbouring farms, but there would still be an incentive, if not a greater one, to maximize profits by all involved. There would also be a fairer distribution of wealth between the land owner and the worker and the worker would have his fate linked to the fate of the farm and the association, thereby creating a stakeholder society. Furthermore, each Association would be responsible for its own education and insurance plans, taking much responsibility out of government hands and keep taxation to a minimum.

The introduction of Associations in agriculture was to be fairly rapid, with government officials hastily delineating Association boundaries. Membership of the Association would however be compulsory, and it would be made quite clear that any objectors (the land owners being the probable ones) would be forced to comply to this new way of thinking.

The plan was eventually to introduce this economic system into every aspect of the economy. Only then, would the final part of the system be enacted, the idea of a National Dividend. A certain amount of the taxation collected from each of the Associations would be contributed to a national fund. At the end of the financial year, this fund would be distributed equally among all citizens. This would ensure that everyone’s fate would be tied to that of the national economy and also prevent Associations from thinking that they were competing with each other, and instead show that they were all competing as one nation.

Whilst there were very few in the party leadership who had yet been convinced of this economic plan, especially given that many RENAMO members were land owners, but the prospect of finally appealing to the peasant class was a popular notion. This and the general amount of coercion surrounding the new administration meant that civil servants and the party leadership were quick to start the wheels of reform.

As far as the security services were concerned, the somewhat disorganised ranks of the RENAMO militia had begun to start infiltrating back into 'Rhodesia' as soon as the Lusakans had announced their intention. Meanwhile the Free State Frontier Force had been placed on alert, with a massive search underway (conveniently in vain) for McMahon's assasins.

Despite RENAMO's statements to the contrary, most cabinet ministers are still deeply suspicious of Kurtz and his new program, the Deputy Prime Minister declaring, "I wouldn't trust this Kurtz fellow at all." PM Domingos is of course less worried but does not (off-the-record, of course) rule out the possibility of there being "considerable armed activity" inside the Free State aimed at eliminating Kurtz's remaining opponents, and basic preparations are made for the establishment of refugee camps near the border with the Free State.

The fact that Kurtz shared a last name at least (few in Mozambique proper actually know his first name) with a particularly nasty character in Apocalypse Now doesn't escape the few Mozambiquians who have the time or resources to become familiar with American films.

Continuing reluctance on the part of Britain to allow arms sales to the Mozambique Commonwealth worries the Ministry of Defense to no end. MoD planners, who initially were betting on British influence to prop up the Commonwealth against the Free State, are immediately forced to investigate other, less desirable, options, the first of which is the purchase of remaining ex-Botswanan Strikemasters. While airframe service life is generally forecasted to be very low, the infusion of up to eight jet-powered combat aircraft into the severely understaffed, undertrained, and under-equipped CoMDF-AF is bound to have some end result. And, say MoD purchasing agents, they're quite cheap and easy to fly so it makes sense to scoop some up before they're no longer airworthy.

The MoD also sends representatives to Avioane in Romania with the job of looking into a purchase of up to four IAR 330 helicopters and possibly two IAR 330 SOCATs. Although the Strikemasters already account for a large portion of the MoD's miniscule acquisitions budget, the CoMDF could really do with some helicopters and Avioane's relatively low prices are preferable to expensive British systems.

His Majesty has denounced the RENAMO Economic Plan in a press release as, quote, "Communism! (Dramatic Chord)", unquote...

OCC: A bit to fill in the space, if UE can't log on.

IC:

As the Free State continues with its program of, well, whatever it is that its doing, things in the Commonwealth progress towards a better state at a steady but quite slow pace. If government figures are to be believed, unemployment among the generally unemployed urban populace has decreased quite drastically, thanks in no small part to significant foreign investment. Several major disease prevention programs are also underway, and already show something in the way of progress, even if that progress isn't necessarily great.

With relations between the Commonwealth and the Free State rather awkward at the moment, Raoul decides to make his long-postponed visit to Lusaka, leaving Free State issues to his more tactful deputy prime minister and cabinet ministers. Lusaka City is radioed and Raoul's Devon fueled up for a three-leg trip, from Maputo to Pemba, from Pemba to Lilongwe, and from Lilongwe to Lusaka City. On the way, Raoul will likely visit his primary support base in Nampula and Cabo Delgado, and the Commonwealth's primary supporter, Strathdonia and PM Livingstone especially.

In the meantime, a small contingent of regular forces is sent to reinforce the border constabulary on the Mozambique-Zimbabwe frontier, and one of No.2 squadron's MiG-21s is even sent to perform a flyover of the border, a significant gesture of support for the Lusakans given the current state of the CoMDF-AF's fuel reserves.

In the Free State, the plan for 'Economic Rejuvination' continues at a steady pace, with thirty Agricultural Associations being setup across the state and approximately 120,000 people included in the new system. It seems that the so called 'Neo-Distributist'/ 'Associationist' program is proving popular with the peasantry in so far as one can tell, although it is too early to see if the system is indeed workable in the long term.

More reforms occur in the government, with Kurtz pushing a proposal through the Praesidium changing the structure of the RENAMO party. Officially it was to be renamed the African Prosperity Party designed to shed the baggage of the organisation's chequered history. Furthermore, the Standing Committee which had been responsible for dismissing Dhaklama, is abolished. Kurtz, seeing the body as being too hardline and stubborn to his new agenda, sets up in its place the National Political Convention, which was in theory supposed to be elected as soon as elections were possible in the 'current security enviroment'. Until then, the new council would be made up of fifty members personally appointed by Kurtz who had 'proven their loyalty to the state and responsibility as citizens'. In Beira, a new construction project had been started to build what was to be known as the 'Secretariat of the Praesidium', which would eventually house Kurtz's private office and his senior officials.

Security Secretary Makola, Kurtz's most longstanding crony deliberately exercises restraint. Although he is keen to be seen to pursue the strangely elusive assasins that killed McMahon, any arrests in connection with this are presented in the media as being made by local police officials, rather than the militia or any other paramilitary quasi-legal force.

As far as foreign policy is concerned, Kurtz also shows moderacy and repeats his earlier statements that the Free State only seeks to be secure in its own borders. In a gesture of goodwill, the frontiers are opened once again to trade, although with some restrictions.

While still suspicious of what exactly it is that the RENAMO leadership is up to in the Free State, Maputo is increasingly less suspicious. Alfonso Dhaklama is of course made welcome in the Commonwealth for as long as he wishes to stay, but there exists in the ruling coalition strong support for the re-establishment of normal relations with the Mozambique Free State.

Granted, many MPs in Raoul's party (which is actually the minority party in the coalition, kept afloat by a popular image of its members staring down tanks and such) believe that RENAMO is by definition a force for no good, especially with its Rhodesian roots. But it is a stubborn MP who maintains that the Free State should not be dealt with at all.

But nobody fully trusts this Kurtz character, and that is for certain. It is only hoped that Kurtz sees it fit to sell his MiG-19s and MiG-21s before an opportunity to use them against the Commonwealth presents itself.

Seething with bitterness and resentment, Dhaklama quickly accepts Commonwealth offers of asylum and declares himself as the Free State government in exile. With the RENAMO name being dropped by Kurtz, Dhaklama is quick to take it up, saying that he is the legimitate leader of that organisation. However, any hopes of being able to attract the support of the traditional party increasingly unsure of Kurtz's new policies, are unlikely given that he is seen was rejected by the party for being too soft on the liberals and socialists of the Commonwealth.

***


Sharm El Sheikh, Red Sea

The villa was elegant, large but not massive, and perched on a hillside over looking the Straights of Tiran. The thirty-something Minister Dammar, along with two of his children, both young, and a pretty, dark haired wife, all sat on sun loungers, facing the infinity pool of iridescent blue water.

He had escaped Baghdad with his family jot just for vocational purposes, he had deliberately put some distance between himself and central government. Six months ago he had been sure of his bright political future. The President had warmed to him, he was being tipped to replace Foreign Minister Mohammed when he finally retired or passed on, an outcome becoming ever more likely. All he had to do was prove himself by handling this delicate Mozambique situation. Everything had been going fine, and it would appear he was on the verge of succeeding in engineering a unified, moderate Mozambique which would have some significant right-wing element to counterbalance the left. That outcome seemed unattainable now.

So far he had not been summoned to explain himself, but soon he knew the other Ministers, many jealous of relative youth and his personal friendship with the President, would be plotting to bring him down over this whole affair. He reflected that it would not be too difficult. After all, he had disregarded countless laws in hiring mercenaries, foreign nationals even, to carry out a completely deniable operation. It had been sanctioned, but only verbally, which would not have mattered if it had been successful. Baghdad however was not known for being conducive to failure. Sitting in comfort, in luxury, he felt a sickly dread in his stomach. Unless he acted quickly, his career would be over. If he was fortunate he would be back working for his father as an oil executive. The other possibility, he could not even consider.

A servant appeared from inside the house, "Sir, there is a man here to see you, he says he is expected."

The Minister, put down the briefing sheet he was reading, "Yes, show him here."

"Of course Sir."

The Minister motioned for his family to disappear, which they did, before the man, wearing a business suit and tie, joined him on the veranda. "Good afternoon, beautiful house. I understand you wish to address this issue of some urgency."

"No, good of you to fly out, please sit down, help yourself to melon juice. I have read that our man is no longer…shall we say…‘ours’. This is very troubling for me, you understand?"

"Yes it would seem he did not take his severance well.”

"I am extremely concerned, it’s not that this is such a cataclysmic thing for our national interests, if you look at the wider picture. I’m not sure that it’s necessarily good, but not that negative either. What concerns me, what really concerns me, is how I’m going to explain to the President that a man we hired has made himself the leader of a few million people, taken billions of Dinars from us and now seems to have renounced our ideology.”

The man shrugged slightly, “Well, with all due respect, you should have known the risks involved. I explained to you the volatility of what we were involving ourselves in. Of course, this is a conclusion I would certainly never have considered.”

The Minister looked back at him, a strain of desperation on his face, “Look, you need to help me, you found these guys, you orchestrated this, find me a way out of it.”

“I suppose the only way is if we terminate him, with extreme prejudice.”

“Well lets do it then, who’s the best guy we use for this kind of thing?”

“He is…That’s why it is tricky.”

“Find someone else, anyone, communists, fundamentalists, anything…just get it done.”

“There is still a problem. When we ceased the operation, we close the accounts, we have no residual funding for this. It will not be cheap to pull off, you understand?”

The Minister pondered for a few seconds, “I have a private account, in Belize, we can use that.”

At five thousand feet over Swaziland, Raoul Domingos sits on one of the wicker chairs installed in the passenger compartment of his DeHavilland Dove with a newspaper. In between reading the paper, bought in Praetoria, and chatting with a rather bored South African reporter, Raoul looks out into the low cloud hanging over Siteki. Distracted by the spectacle of an Islander flying nearby, and unable to see under the fuselage, he isn't disturbed by the stream of vapour coming out of the Dove's fuselage.

Up in the cockpit, though, it is a different story.

"Attention Mozambique Air Force lima zero seven one, you look like you're losing fluid out of the fuselage, over."

A hydraulic fluid warning light flashes in the cockpit, and the pilots finally realize why the controls have been feeling so mushy.

"Excuse me, Mr. Domingos. It would be best to brace yourself."

The pilots lose as much altitude as possible before making an attempt at leveling off and end up hitting a hillside on the Mozambique-Swaziland border. The right wing hits first and the Dove wheels around, skidding to a stop on its side.

Raoul Domingos Seriously Injured In Plane Crash

The prime minister of the Mozambique Commonwealth, Raoul Domingos, is in critical condition at a Mbabane hospital after his airplane crashed earlier today. Of the six people aboard, two were killed during the crash and another, identified as a journalist from the South African newspaper Sunday Times, died en route to the hospital. According to Swazi authorities, the cause of the accident was a loss of pressure to the aircraft's hydraulic system, which prevented the control surfaces from functioning...

Beira

The juggernaut of progress continued to gain momentum. The first ever meeting of the National Political Convention had taken place, and in his speech to its members, Chairman Kurtz had hailed it as part of a political and social revival for Mozambique. Kurtz also nominates a new Finance and Economics Secretary, Albierto Mendes, who replaces Fernando Taipo who is dismissed for refusing to support the new economic policies. The new man, unlike Taipo was not a graduate in Economics, nor anything for that matter, and his only qualificiation seemed to be that he had been a regional tax collector for the Simba government. However, his loyalty to Kurtz had been deemed as absolute. Financially, the Free State of Mozambique (FSM) is in reasonable shape. Despite disproportionate amounts being spent on defence and security, the huge Elias loans given before the change of the regime ensured there was enough cash to support the country. For the moment the government continued to make the interest payments, for fear of angering Baghdad. Some were concerned that this state was unsustainable but their voices were largely drowned out by a small and powerful minority who promised that the new economic order would be the answer to all problems.

As the news of Domingo's accident breaks, rumour spreads quickly. The late McMahon had died in an aircraft crash very recently. Whilst speculation as to whether there had been any sinister intent was interesting, only Kurtz and Makola really knew the answer, and certainly would not have been indiscreet had they been responsible. The much larger question facing those of government was how Domingo's possible death would effect the Commonwealth. Would the coalition collapse without the great liberator figure to unite it?

After a tense first few days, it comes out that Raoul Domingos is not likely to die after all, in spite of the fact that he lost both legs, and the doctors operating on him had some very close calls with infections.

While the Prime Minister did not expire, as many expected, it is assured that he intends to retire from politics and perhaps even take a permanent holiday to England, Strathdonia, or Japan. If Raoul Domingos isn't a skillful politician, inside Mozambique he has charisma and popular support to rival Derek Igomo.

Pending elections for the new prime minister, Leon Alberto, the deputy prime minister, is set to serve as the new head of state. Alberto, an experienced politician who made a name for himself during the Simba years, has so far proven himself to be much more averse towards the Free State than Raoul or the other cabinet ministers. While it is not at all likely that Alberto's tenure as Prime Minister will see any great shifts in the current trends of the Commonwealth's government, without the excessively charismatic figure of Raoul Domingos at the head of government RENAMO and FRELIMO both stand a much better chance of forcing their way back onto the mainstream political scene...

bump

With the Mozambique Commonwealth being pulled towards the new 'non-aligned' movement more and more, on the whole inadvertently, the British ambassador is invited to Parliament House in Maputo in order to talk with the Foreign Minister...

Maputo

With Leon Alberto temporarily away, it is up to Joaquim Chissano to host some of Mozambique's more prominent guests as of late. Thabo Mbeki is the latest head of state to visit the Mozambique Commonwealth, firstly to issue a joint statement on Zimbabwe but also to clinch the most recent in a series of arms deals aimed at making the Commonwealth somewhat defensible against the Free State and Zimbabwe.

The MoD has so far approved the purchase of SAS Job Maseko, one of the South African Navy's Warrior-class missile FACs, as well as six Umkhonto-IR SAM systems for airfield defense. While there is still some disagreement as to if the CoMDF-AF should buy any of the SAAF's Mirage F1AZ, a dispute centered around the likelyhood of being able to get spare parts for them, there is a wide consensus that the Strikemaster needs replacing. With airframe service life dwindling, the air force considers the Impala I an ideal replacement. A contract for sixteen Mamba APCs is signed as well.

The Romanian defense minister is also in town, attending the induction ceremony for eight new IAR330s, six of them the IAR330L transport variant and two the IAR330 SOCAT gunship. This delivery brings the total Avioane-built Puma force to 14 examples.

(Perhaps the events of the Mozambique Secession war should take place on this thread to avoid confusion with the larger Zimbabwe crisis?)

In the Mozambique Free State, things were going rather well. The new Associationist economic policy had increased agricultural output and had largely created popular consent for the African Prosperity Party. The State Praesidium had become the force that was held responsible for governing and implementing reform rather than the figure of Kurt himself. The Praesidium itself similar to the governing board of a large corporation, had been filled with technocrats, people with advanced degrees in management, economics, government and various other disciplines. They were not politicians in the traditional sense for they had as individuals very little in the way of personal following. Many were not even originally from Mozambique, but paid professionals brought in from other parts of Africa or Europe. They were however, loyal to the new order, and had demonstrated remarkable competence in uniting an artificially defined nation, with scarce resources.

Kurtz himself made few public appearances, with these left mainly to the Deputy Chairman of the Praesidium a local by the name of Luis Pereira who could identify much more easily with the populace. The RENAMO party had been swept away in much more than name. Not only were the figures at the top new faces, but the party apparatus that had previously been closely linked to the state government had become an inferior and discreet entity. As trouble brewed across the border, Kurtz had been quick to see the approachinh danger and to plan accordingly. With Baghdad being more open to negoitations he had managed to get the Free State's massive debt repayments postponed to allow them to deal with the emergency at hand. This extra cash boost was critical. From the Elias government, several batteries worth of SA-6 SAM systems had been purchased. From more nebulous non-governmental sources, the Free State had bolstered its supplies of land mines, small arms and artillery ammunition.

Chairman Kurtz effectively ran the Free State security policy personally. He was an excellent tactician with a lifetime of experience in Africa. Knowing the type of threat, namely Lusaka, he planned a defence accordingly. The Air Corps, he knew, would in the event of an enemy invasion be knocked out almost immediately and no amount of investment could change that. The ground forces were pivotal. For the first time, reservist positions were created in the Frontier force to faciliatate the creation of a new Third Brigade. Many experienced NCO and officer level soldiers had been switched form the informal and increasingly rendundant RENAMO militia (officially the APP paramilitary wing) to become part of the mainstream military. Overall, the quality of soldiers in the Frontier Force was excellent for such an impoverished country. Basic training was conducted by RENAMO veterans with vast experience in guerilla and conventional warfare, and a number of recruits had been killed during gruelling life fire exercises designed to push soldiers to their physical and emotional limits.

Furthermore, Beira had initiated the Civil Defence Initative, setting each agricultural association a quota number of people who would have to enlist in return for government subsidies in purchasing new equipment. Those whow deemed physically incapable or unwilling of serving in the frontier force were assigned roles in local milita units that, quite differently from the RENAMO militia were not political forces but simply territorial defence ones. Recieving basic marksmanship and rearguard tactics training, these civil defence soldiers would in time of war report to a system of local arms caches in secret locations and fight as inusrgents against an invader.

In terms of propaganda, Beira had been keen to promote fears of ANP domination to the point of hysteria. Mugabe and Igomo had become hate figures, and through this a fervour of Free State patriotism had spread. The government was even seeking a military agreement with Maputo saying that 'it is time for Mozambique to set aside its internal divisions to defend against a common enemy'. The message is that two Mozambique governments is better than having none at all and being beholdent to Lusakan masters.

OCC: Indeed, UE. No sense cluttering the Zimbabwe thread. I'll get something more substantial up in the morning...or something like that.

In Maputo, efforts on the part of the Free State with regards to defense cooperation are still regarded with much suspiscion, especially since Alfonso Dhlakama was replaced as head of state by Kurtz. With his mercenary background, Maputo doesn't trust him almost on principle, and it is no secret that the CoMDF has the bulk of its forces in the Southern Commonwealth because it is afraid of an APP invasion.

Most Mozambicans in the Commonwealth still believe that the Free State is part of the Mozambique Commonwealth, and were deeply frustrated when unification talks, which looked so promising, suddenly collapsed. The only thing that the Commonwealth is willing to cooperate with the Free State on, says Chissano, is Mozambican Unification. The Commonwealth still does not regard Lusaka as an enemy, despite Lusaka's probable contrary intentions.

After all, Maputo initially supported Lusaka's invasion of Zimbabwe because it was widely believed that Igomo would replace Robert Mugabe with a more socially conscious individual, not shelter and support him. However, the necessity of maintaining relations with Strathdonia and Britain puts the Commonwealth in a very tricky spot.

Moreover, unbeknownst to the authorities in Pemba or Maputo, trouble is brewing in Northern Mozambique. Being separated by a distance of several hundred kilometers and the 'hostile' Free State, the Mozambique Commonwealth includes the northern portion of the country in name only. A separate Parliament convenes in Pemba, and a separate military force exists to operate at that Parliament's orders. So nobody there is really obliged to follow Maputo by anything beyond the tenative constitution and an understanding that, someday, the whole of Mozambique will be self-governing and unified.

The northern portion of the country has a history of pan-Africanist rebellion, starting with the birth of FRELIMO. And in modern times, the north is still the bastion of FRELIMO support, although MPADE still holds a safe majority in both Parliaments. With Raoul Domingos, the charismatic, popular, and approachable founder of the Commonwealth of Mozambique retired from politics due to he being paralyzed below the waist, it remains to be seen, however, if Leon Alberto will have the same universal appeal.

Part of the problem is that regional political trends, especially Pan-Africanism, didn't exist when Raoul Domingos more or less overthrew Colonel Camillo and declared the Commonwealth of Mozambique. To many Mozambicans, MPADE is too conciliatory and indicisive, with no clear foreign policy and no real international alignment. FRELIMO is staunchly Pan-Africanist while RENAMO and now the APP associate with the holy league. It has become impossible for MPADE to choose the NATO bloc as a mutually agreeable alternative after the Zimbabwe crisis, so the government puts up something of a show, refusing to choose "right away."

For many Mozambicans, the time for MPADE to "grow a backbone" has come and passed.

The new border with Lusaka in the north also causes relatively more trouble than was anticipated, although no-one in the government knows just how bad it could get. Members of FDMN, the new militant wing of FRELIMO, waste no time before crossing the Rovuma and meeting with the Lusakan troops arrayed there, in hopes of bringing firearms, explosives, and Lusakan support back through the pourous and poorly-guarded border.

bump

Hey UE, do you think we should put things related to the impending Free State/Commonwealth War here instead of on the ANP thread?

(yeah, sorry I thought I had, got the wrong thread before.)

The Praesidium gathered not in Beira but in a secretive and remote military compound that had once been used as a RENAMO headquarters when it had been just a resistance movement within greater Mozambique. Now it had been requisitioned by the Security Department to act as a secluded command centre for the Free State defence forces in the event of invasion. It had been part of an effort in recent weeks to develop a whole range of contingency facilities which included camouflaged ammunition and fuel dumps across the two provinces of the Free State. Additionally, the Department had spent a good deal of time and money fortifying key positions with sandbag emplacements, and along the Zimbabwe border especially, tracts of landmines designed to impede a Lusakan offensive.

This meeting however was not to discuss the plans for the defence of the state, quite the opposite in fact. Chairman Kurtz opened the meeting; he would argue for a course of action and hold a vote. The Praesidium was democratic; its members would not face punishment for voting against the Chairman. He genuinely valued their counsel. He had assembled a group of handpicked professionals, dedicated utilitarianists who based their decisions on numbers rather than morals.

“Gentlemen, you will each have in front of you a copy of Operation Gambit. I trust that you have read the salient points but I will expand further. The future of the Free State is obviously in jeopardy. I am not talking of just the threat from across the border. What I talk of is the long term future of our nation. We all know the statistics. We have huge loans, meaning that we are at the present time much wealthier than our Commonwealth counterparts. But this advantage is not sustainable. Even if our expectations were exceeded it is clear we will never be able to achieve the economic growth to repay these debts because quite simply our nation lacks the necessary size and resources. Simply put, we are too small to be viable in the long run. We are currently over militarized and will become more so under our projections for the coming months and several years. This cannot be maintained indefinitely, and it is inevitable that our military strength relative to the Commonwealth will decline. Now we have an advantage. They are distracted by the threat of Lusaka, they are facing a revolt in the North. It is time to press the advantage whilst the opportunity exists. In recent months we have stockpiled weaponry, enlarged our and rationalized our military. It is not perfect, but we are more prepared than we will ever be, and they are less prepared. We have superiority in numbers, in equipment and training I also believe. No one in their government has the equivalent military experience that some of our officers do. I, some of you, many of the former RENAMO militia commanders have a lifetime of experience of conflict on this continent. This must count for something. I believe our troops are better motivated. Since the foundation of the APP, people have been more prosperous, although I admit in some cases artificially through subsidies. By casting off the RENAMO name and ideals we have developed a state where I believe citizens feel loyalty and duty. We have instilled values, and I think that people will be prepared to sacrifice to safeguard the future of Mozambique. It is a risky ploy I do not deny it. But it is the best chance we have.”

Sure enough, the committee passed the resolution by the required majority.

Orders were sent out immediately. Two of the Free State Frontier Force’s Three operational Brigades were ordered to fully mobilize, including rounding off units with reservists and then to move South. To observers who might be in communication with Maputo, the deployments would likely be construed as related to preparing for a defence along the Zimbabwe border rather than against the Commonwealth. Just to make this seem even more plausible, Beira goes to the extent of actually informing Maputo that it was mobilizing troops so that they would not feel alarmed.

Simultaneously however, several platoons of commandos from the Special Forces Battalion would, under the cover of darkness, be infiltrating across the border to recon defences and prepare to start creating behind enemy lines havoc once the shooting started.

(FYI soon I will be posting a revised Free State ORBAT on the AMW forum)

For a government that expects the Free State to invade at any time, as it did even during the high point of RENAMO-Commonwealth relations, the Free State's military deployments throw the Ministry of Defense into a state of wild panic. Beria would probably have been better-off not telling Maputo what it was doing, since they probably could have bought several more days of Commonwealth haplessness, but Leon Alberto, freshly back from Yugoslavia with two dozen T-55s, doesn't trust Kurtz on principle.

The Prime Minister holds-off on addressing Parliament on the issue, interpreting the Free State's intentions much as he had interpreted the situation in Zimbabwe; they might look tough, but they won't try war. It is, with regards to the Free State, a rather fair observation in light of what Alberto knows about the Commonwealth's foreign relations. Strathdonia is still on very friendly terms, and it is believed that England would likely step in should the Free State become overly belligerant. And if all else fails, there's always the ANP's arms to fall back into.

But just to be safe, and to spite Beria, Alberto orders the bridges across the Rio Save to be blown up. They had become rather redundant anyway, since nothing had crossed the Commonwealth-Free State border since the Dhlakama days, the few delegations sent to Beria being flown in by C-212. A company of engineers from the 11th EME battalion is flown out to the Commonwealth side of the Rio Save suspension bridge with a load of explosives soon after the order is recieved, and it is hoped that the bridge could either be destroyed completely or rendered unusable by heavy vehicles.

The CoMDF-AF also recalls No.4 squadron's six Impalas from Pemba, along with their stocks of U-Darter AAMs which are brought south by No.6 squadron's An-24s. While no CoMDF-AF combat airplane is equipped with a genuine search radar, it is not believed that the Free State's MiG-21s and MiG-19s are that much better off. In fact, many in the CoMDF-AF believe that, in the air, given the supposed unserivcability of many of the FSAF's aircraft, the Commonwealth carries a slight advantage. Another trick up the Commonwealth's sleeve is its six Umkhonto-IR SAM batteries, of which four are deployed to protect the fighter base at Inhambane.

And if the average CoMDF soldier seems unmotivated and unexcited about the prospect of fighting Lusaka, publically not seen as a great threat, he is ready to fight the Free State for all that he is worth. Many in the Commonwealth genuinely believe that Kurtz will turn the country into a holy league vassal, and there is a significant rumor going around to the effect that he is a Portuguese agent sent to re-capture Mozambique and claim it back for Lisbon.

It remains to be seen, though, how the Russian presence will factor into the whole affair.

OCC: Ok, I reposted my thing UE. Its ok if you think its a bit hasty. I'm trying to say that the Maputo government would jump if the Free State so much as looked at it, figuratively speaking. PM Alberto is really quite paranoid when it comes to the Free State, much more so than Raoul Domingos would have been, Alberto being a former FRELIMO man where ex-PM Domingos was a centrist from the start. Kurtz and his intentions are simply not trusted at all, and any Free State military movements, however benign, are apt to be interpreted in a worst-case context by the (let's call them, eh, unificationists?) MoD and CoMDF.

In short, the Mozambique Commonwealth is a lot less trusting than it was under Raoul.

But if you feel that the Free State would be better at catching the Commonwealth unawares just tell me and I will change it.

"Alright, boys, that's the last of it! Clear away!"

A pair of Mozambican troops with 11th battalion insignia run off the Rio Save suspension bridge with a spool of wire, connected to explosive charges placed on the structure's staying cables. They jump behind a sandbagged blast shield and twist the stripped ends of the thick copper wire around the electrodes on their plunger.

The rest of the EME company and its border police escorts take cover.

"Armed! Ten, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three, two, one, fire!"

With a mighty bang, the explosives ignite and the steel staying cables drop into the river. The main source of support gone, it is only a matter of time before the roadbed falls apart, and when that happens not even Free State infantry will be able to come across.

The destruction of the border bridge is still seen by Maputo as a primarily diplomatic gesture, since the Commonwealth's suspicions are still just that, but the operation does accomplish its main goal; to deny the Free State a crossing for its armored vehicles and logistics columns in the event of an invasion.

post now!

*Waves SKS*

MozCom-UAR Border

A man had been killed and two personnel seriously injured by two roadside bomb attacks along the way, but the last of several small convoys through the former Al Khali Republic was now established at the Ruvuma...

Mozambique had helped the Lusakans to win independence just after it had driven-out the Portuguese, and the Allied States and later the United African Republic had in turn helped to fight Rhodesian aggression against Mozambique, and had sent troops to help fight the Botha-backed rebel over-run of Zambezia Province carried out from pre-Strathdonian Malawi. That was in happier economic times, when the UARL was newly receiving aid from the first Beddgelen Commonwealth and before it lost the support of the USSR, and now, with Zambezia in Strathdonian hands, Lusakan veterans felt that Southern Africa's three decades of revolutionary efforts were being stripped away (citizens of the UARL almost universally

Things were better when it was everyone versus the colonials, things were easier when the enemy leadership was overtly racist, things were going wrong since they started to hide it. But the African National Pact was finally risen as a viable defence.

"This is the dream of Mr.Derek and President Samora, the peasant revolutionaries who stood up and lead us to freedom." Said the Lusakan Army Colonel posted to command the operation unfolding. "Unity is at last upon us as we break ground, today. It is fitting that this be the time, for it is a decisive moment in our two histories." The officer, of mixed race and named Smith, was speaking with a PA system, on the Lusakan side of the Ruvuma at one of its narrower points, and was watched by crowds encouraged to gather on both sides. "It is twenty years since apartheid soldiers crept into Mozambique and, near by, the founding President, Samora Machel, was killed in that mysterious plane crash..." He was interrupted by jeers from the crowds, "...and it is rather less time since we have seen a repeat! Less than two decades since apartheid-backed terrorists over-ran central Mozambique, in territory now dominated by colonialists! But our people have continued to stand together, for what is right, and for an end to European imperialism and to terrorists like RENAMO."

Colonel Smith was announcing the establishment of stage on of what would be called the Unity Bridge. This meant that the United African Republic had decided to build a large pontoon bridge across the Ruvuma, and that Igomo intended to follow it with a thirty million dollar bridge of more permanent sort. It was only at this point that the Social Progress Party approached MozCom authorities to discuss the lasting bridge, and even now it did not treat the pontoon as a matter for negotiation.

The temporary bridge was put in place within hours, thanks to the efforts of a large unit of Lusakan soldiers, and FDMN fighters on the other side were invited to accept and distribute the first cargo transported from north to south: several hundred kilos of food aid, including fish and fruits. M70B1 and AB2 rifles -Yugoslav AKM and AKMS-, provided in small quantity by Belgrade but used in even fewer numbers by the Lusakans who continue to discourage the excessive use of automatic fire, were soon being delivered to FDMN and any other Frelimo, ANP, or UAR aligned groups and individuals. With them went a small number of rather more modern South African weapons of various sorts, paid for as the UARL built up notable debts for the first time while under SPP administration, most of them owed to Belgrade, which Igomo believed would be off-set by technological exchanges, possibly bringing in Kinshasa along the line.

Lusakan advisors continued to work with the FDMN and to encourage memory of Frelimo under Igomo's late friend, Samora Machel, and their varied gurrilla successes against Portugal and the forces of apartheid, and to think of parallels between past struggles and the current state of Mozambique. Even though City may have been to a small degree pleasantly surprised by some of the Free State's internal policies, RENAMO had been officially considered a terrorist organisation since the Social Progress Party was formed just a few years after that colonial puppet. That hadn't changed just because the murderous group claimed to have lain down its arms, especially since it was now in charge of a standing army. A return to really serious co-operation between those that had been LRAC, ZANU, and FRELIMO was judged long over due, and since the rising of tensions in Mozambique it would not be hard to find Lusakans by the hundred in northern Mozambique. They were backing Frelimo-related social projects on top of arming and training fighters, naming projects after people, schools, hospitals, and infrastructure murdered and destroyed by RENAMO, or the dates of such attacks against civilians and Frelimo-sponsored projects. SPP and agreeable FRELIMO elements like FDMN were trying gradually to take over construction and much administration, even venturing to collect revolutionary taxes from areas near the border to help pay for arms and the bridge, and to exempt the volunteer contributers from national taxes... even some security forces near the border were being offered pay, or bribes depending on which way you looked at it, to go along with it.

(Ugh, I hope that wasn't as disorderly as I think it might be. I woke up with backpain and can't seem to focus on what I'm doing.)

If No.4 squadron and its six Impala Is hadn't been re-located to Inhambane, along with their U-Darter AAMs, the CoMDF might have made a stronger showing at the Lusakan bridge-laying, but as it were only a toyota-full of confused Border Police are on hand to represent the Commonwealth of Mozambique on the southern end of the bridge. The Border Policemen are even more distressed to see a large group of men, many of them carrying Type-56 or SKS rifles, approach the same location and greet the Lusakans in quite a friendly manner. The hapless Border Police, an SKS between the six of them, decide rather quickly not to do anything likely to upset the FDMN rebels on their own side of the river or the Lusakan army on the other, and proceed to stand around.

Of course, the Border Policemen don't recognize FDMN fighters for what they are, since the group's actions to date include only two ineffectual pipe bomb attacks on police stations, but with Lusakan arms flowing across the border, it is only a matter of time before a real attack occurrs.

When the Border Police notice cargoes being transferred across the bridge, one of them gathers enough courage to ask about them, but walks back to the Land Rover with enough money to convince all six of the policemen to drive back to their barracks. They even go so far as to decide, over lunch, to cooperate with the Lusakans and FDMN as long as there's something in it for them. After all, Mozambicans in the north of the country are largely more sympathetic to African Nationalism than elsewhere, and the average Border Policeman's salary is not a difficult sum to exceed.

Pemba, still believing the pontoon bridge to be just a proposal up for consideration, doesn't send anybody out to investigate until the following morning. The Do-28D crew that ends up flying the patrol is nothing less than stunned to see the bridge, not only completed, but being used by elements of which the provincial government has no knowledge. A surprised radio call back to base compells the Pemba government to take action, so before the day is out, No.7 squadron's remaining two IAR-330s fly 40 infantrymen out to the area. Pemba, they hope to show the Lusakans, is not about to take this sitting down.

Far south in Maputo, however, the attitude is very different. There, it is widely believed that the Free State is going to invade the Southern Commonwealth. If anything, more troops and equipment is going to be taken south. "Pemba will have to deal with this on its own," says Leon Alberto. "The whole Lusakan business is probably nothing anyway."

bump

It would be hard to imagine a significant portion of the Lusakan populace or the Social Progress Party having any particular hostile intent towards the people of Mozambique, or even to their Commonwealth entity, but one thing that almost every Republican quite seriously opposes and, it is probably fair to say, hates, is RENAMO. Possibly the largest rift at Ruvuma is not that in which the river flows along the MozCom-UARL border but the inability of Republicans to accept that Mozambicans could somehow not be already waging a guerrilla campaign against that organisation since its rearmament and grab for power.

City openly condemns supporters of the Free State as sponsors of terrorism, refuses to recognise the authority of Beira to operate an independent state, maintains that Strathdonia's occupation of Mozambican soil is a continuation of the apartheid agenda and state-sponsored terrorist attacks in the same region, and adds, of course, that African liberation is at hand.

At the UARL-MozCom border, Lusakans, annoyingly enough, continue attempting to do as they had before the troops arrived. Moving in as much food, armament, alcohol, tobacco, and other items as possible, the Republicans intend to let the locals and FDMN (though the Lusakans still refer usually to FRELIMO and consider it essentially an armed revolutionary party) be the ones to take exception to any government attempts to intervene. If forcibly stopped, the troops intend to continue stockpiling goods in view and hanging around on the border, smoking, cleaning their machineguns, and talking loudly about the independence struggle.

When the Mozambican troops arrive, they too simply stand around, not knowing exactly what to do. Lusakan feelings of neutrality towards the Commonwealth are reciprocated by the Mozambican infantrymen, who even go so far as to mingle with the bridging crew and the FDMN rebels. The only officer on hand, ex-FRELIMO himself, doesn't discourage such actions, believing diplomacy to be much more useful than stand-offishness and having plenty of sympathy for the Pan-Africanist cause.

On the Free State, Lusakans and Mozambican Commonwealthers are apt to agree. Commonwealth and other anti-RENAMO elements not already in the Free State really haven't had much time to act, since the Commonwealth under Raoul Domingos advocated (and came quite close to) peaceful reunification and only recently has Leon Alberto endorsed the idea of unification by fair means or foul.

Not to mention, the Maputo currently believes quite strongly that the Free State is going to invade, and soon, and when that happens Maputo will need all the credibility that it can muster.

But the MPADE leadership and Leon Alberto detest RENAMO as much as, if not more than, Igomo and the pan-africanists proper. The biggest problem, though, is that, so far, the Free State has been doing quite well economically and carries considerable popular support within its borders. A successful Guerilla war is going to take a lot more time and effort than what the Commonwealth can afford to put in, especially at a time when RENAMO threatens to start its own guerilla struggle in the Southern Commonwealth first.

bump

Commonwealth of Mozambique Defense Force Takes Delivery of Ingwe ATGWs

With defense firmly at the top of the national list of priorities, the CoMDF has taken considerable time and effort to modernize and re-equip. The purchase of the Denel Ingwe ATGW is only the most recent in a series of programs aimed at making the relatively small and largely unmotorized CoMDF-A a more formidable and capable fighting force.

The Mozambican MoD was first attracted to the Ingwe by its modernity. If the Free State is ever given modern Elian tanks, it was figured, some weapon should exist in the country capable of dealing with one on somewhat equal terms. With the Mokopa well outside the Mozambican price range for the time being, and Milan production lines off limits in France, the Ingwe seemed like a very good choice. It is, after all, a capable and effective weapon in its own right with good range, accuracy, and resistance to countermeasures.

Ingwes also give the Puma SOCATs in service serious anti-tank capability, the likes of which did not exist previously, and also allow them to attack targets from stand-off ranges.

10 launch posts and 50 missiles have been ordered for the CoMDF-A, with another 25 missiles going to equip the four-strong SOCAT fleet.

OOC:
Just out of interest, if someone were the purchase the rights to the Blowpipe/Javelin SAM would the MozCom be interested in them? not as easy to use as say a stinger but argueably more effective in the right conditions.

OOC:
Just out of interest, if someone were the purchase the rights to the Blowpipe/Javelin SAM would the MozCom be interested in them? not as easy to use as say a stinger but argueably more effective in the right conditions.

OCC: By all means! Granted, the CoMDF-AF did get a few Umkhontos, and those can probably handle most sane threats, but some MANPADs would be useful.

Beira

The Free State had changed a lot in recent weeks. On the same day as two of the three combat brigades had been activated and deployed south, the Praesidium had enacted the so called ‘Total Defence Decree’. Its force and effect was to effectively transform the country into one that was ready to fight, if necessary, for its survival. The first phase had involved a mass propaganda effort informing the public that it was only a matter of time before the Pan-Africanists made a move against the Free State now that they had subjugated Zimbabwe. This largely succeeded in unifying the people against a common enemy, and made most willing to make sacrifices in the national interest. At the same time, a new paramilitary force known as the Civil Defence Corps had been raised. Each of the new farming and industrial Associations were given quotas of how many of their members would have to join and most matched or exceeded this figure within days. With over 20,000 members this corps of reservists had been given crash basic training and organised into 22 rifle battalions, 8 Militia Motor Cavalry Units and 6 Motor Transport Battalions. The Security Department had also setup a system of local ammunition caches, camouflaged and in secret locations where the militia would be told to report in the event of an invasion.

In schools, now mostly Association run, small arms training and basic guerilla tactics had replaced organised sport. Some Associations had formed ‘Civil Defence Committees’ that organise defence plans for local villages, encouraging all able bodied men to be prepared to take arms against an invader. The Frontier Force had continued to hastily lay defences on the North and Western frontiers, with numerous deaths being reported as inadequately trained personnel were pressed into mine laying operations. The hysteria of paranoia had also enabled other more punitive measures to be put in place. Petroleum use for non-commercial reasons was prohibited and all vehicle owners were informed that if war were to break out they would have to surrender them for government use.


Maputo

APP agents had been infiltrating the Mozambique Commonwealth for months, and with much of the RENAMO militia infrastructure still in place, putting together a political movement had not been significantly hard, especially given the Commonwealth’s liberal attitude towards individual rights. In the rural areas, the APP message had been disseminated, using a two pronged approach to gain popularity. Firstly it emphasized the economic success of the Free State (of course leaving out that it was mostly artificial as a result of foreign loans) and secondly a negative message, condemning Alberto as an Igomo sympathiser. Much is made of Zimbabwe’s recent occupation, and the APP stresses to the Mozambique people that unless they united under the Beira government their lapdog leaders would hand over their independence to City.

Now the African Prosperity Party was holding a rally, a big one. A group of several thousand had ‘spontaneously ‘gathered outside government house, holding anti-Alberto placards and generally screaming abuse at anyone who would listen. As the crowd grew, so did its intensity, as it was not long before a few of the more zealous activists started to brandish weapons. More to make a point than to cause any harm, some youths started firing submachine guns into the air.

Maputo

Even though political freedoms in the Commonwealth of Mozambique are indeed many in number and wide in scope (FRELIMO's currently uncontested resurgence in Northern Mozambique being a prime example), the APP is not a party that any element in the Mozambican political scene, the tiny RENAMO element included, is about to tolerate very much of. MPADE in particular is prepared to take the APP 'insurgency' very seriously, and when the demonstration in front of Government House gets started it doesn't take long to attract a major portion of the Maputo Metropolitan Police.

Once the demonstrators start shooting, the Police decide that the protest has gone on for long enough. With a truncheon in one hand and a Webley in the other, policemen start to disperse the crowd.

"Citizens, disperse! You are in violation of civil firearms law!" bellows one policeman through a megaphone.

Overhead, an IAR330 flies in from Mondlan barracks at the airport, delivering two infantry sections to the roof of Government House to reinforce the six troops already stationed there. They come heavily armed, with assault rifles and RPD machine guns, since there is a fear that the APP mob will try and storm the building.

Airport watchers will probably notice the frequency of military traffic in the skies above Maputo increasing, with C-212s and IAR330s flying northwest to CoMDF-A battalions deployed on the Zimbabwean and Free State borders. It is obvious that tensions between Mozambique's two competing governments are rising and bound to boil over rather soon, and Maputo wants to be ready.

*******

Not unsurprisingly, the APP doesn't find much support amongst the rural population of the Southern Commonwealth, where entheusiasm for the Maputo government still runs high. After all, while Denel and Avioaine have attracted the largest portions of the government budget as of late, the Commonwealth still enjoys a reasonable rate of economic growth thanks to, as with the Free State, foreign handouts, but also some recently imported overseas industry. In fact, the economic program, not exactly on target but still much better than in years past, is one of the government's biggest successes.

Being an Igomo sympathizer is also not seen as at all a bad thing by most. Leon Alberto is certainly much more pro-Lusaka than Raoul Domingos, but then again the ANP has spread as much as or more of its propaganda throughout the Commonwealth of Mozambique. And unlike the APP, only a hair's breadth away from being declared criminal, Pan-Africanist sentiment is allowed to circulate quite freely.

Most of this has to do with the drastically changed political climate. Raoul Domingos' MPADE is really no longer the centrist alternative that it came to power as, since Domingos is probably the only member of the party's seniority without FRELIMO, SPP, or ANC connections. And while Domingos had plenty of respect, his near-fatal plane crash and subsequent retirement from politics gave the more radical faction in MPADE a chance to marginalize the traditionalist bloc.

Leon Alberto himself isn't even as sympathetic to the ANP as his cabinet ministers and is primarily concerned with maintaining the Commonwealth's warming relationship with South Africa, but like most of the MPADE he regards the APP as a threat.

CoMDF-AF Prepares To Induct F-20L Tigershark

After a surprisingly quick evaluation process, the Ministry of Defense in Maptuo has opted to acquire three ex-Lusakan F-20 Tigershark light fighters in order to counter the threat posed by Free State MiG-21s and MiG-19s. The F-20L represents a considerable jump in capability over the CoMDF-AF's current fighter force, made up of radarless, stubbornly subsonic IAR-99s and Atlas Impala-Is, and carries an advanced multi-mode radar. F-20s are considered by the CoMDF-AF to be entirely superior to the MiG-21bis in terms of both performance and avionics, and although the MoD has ruled-out the acquisition of R-Darter or A-Darter AAMs in the short term, good manouverability coupled with current-generation U-Darters probably assures a comfortable degree of superiority over MiG-21 variants and most J-7s.

The technical sophistication of the F-20L is expected to cause considerable problems for the CoMDF-AF's logistical complex, which usually deals with the simple IAR-99 and even simpler Impala. Supersonic-qualified pilots, few in number, might find the F-20's higher performance difficult to exploit after flying the old and in large part unsafe MiG-21bis. But the MoD considers the technological advantage offered by the F-20L well worth its cost and complexity, and plans to fly them until the Free State can't boast a supersonic combat jet of its own. In the long term, the CoMDF-AF expects to replace the F-20L with the simpler and rather more tame F-5L.

Plans to acquire a modern multi-role fighter in the same vein as the Saab Gripen are generally considered dead for the time being. The CoMDF-AF has shown some low-level interest in the Novi Avion, but the MoD is unlikely to approve any further acquisition and instead concentrate on buying some quantity of A-Darter AAMs.

The first three F-20Ls, along with two twin-seat F-5L conversion trainers, are expected to enter service with No.1 (fighter) Squadron within the next two weeks.

Inhassoro

In spite of General Frederico Sylvia's best efforts to the contrary, it is quite likely that, by now, the Mozambique Free State is aware of the rather large quantity of Commonwealth troops stationed just south of the border. The 1st Regiment, under the command of General Sylvia, is being prepared to execute Operation Prawn, and while there are battalions along the entire length of the border, the main concentration of forces is at Inhassoro. The 4th and 15th Armored Battalions, both of them equipped with Yugoslav-upgraded T-55s, as well as the 12th infantry, 6th support, and 11th engineer, sit under rather heavy camoflauge alongside the Coast Road from Maputo, just outside the town.

CASA C-212s continue to fly cargoes into Inhassoro's makeshift airstrip, built by the 11th battalion two weeks earlier. No.10 Squadron's pilots soon learn to detest the airstrip, which is very nearly too short, but between the transports and the occasional commandeered ferry arriving offshore, Sylvia is able to build up a considerable stockpile of fuel, ammunition, and spare parts. No.14 Squadron, with its Puma SOCATs and PZL-104s, also flies into Inhassoro. While the SOCATs are camoflauged, the PZL-104s are put to work flying communications missions between the forward outpost in Nova Mambone and Inhambane airbase.

Nova Mambone

Situated atop one of Nova Mambone's taller buildings, a CoMDF-A observation team watches the Free State border. Being so close to the Free State, Sylvia only deploys about a company's worth of troops, easy to evacuate in case of trouble. But not at all far away, in fact just north of Nova Mambone, a battery of 105mm guns sits near the beach, underneath camoflauge netting and well dug-in. In radio contact with the observation post in town, the four howitzers are zeroed-in on the north bank of the Rio Save, about ten kilometers distant. Hopefully, no Free Staters will catch sight of that particular forward deployment, but then again, there are only so many good roads crossing the border.

A PZL-104 landing on a stretch of suitable land just outside the town is met by much of the company, eager for mail. Much to the disappointment of the troops, it is new orders that arrives. The captain, a career soldier by the name of Umberto, reads the typewritten page aloud. As if to add insult to injury, the company is told to start building fortifications, and after the tiny liason aircraft departs they get to it.

OOC: I will be posting something more here soon, in the meantime here is a summary of the Free State's ground forces:

Frontier Force

-3 Brigade HQs 225
-1 Special Forces Battalion: 517
-3 Mechanised Rifle Battalions 1,785
-3 Motorised Rifle Battalions: 1,194
-12 Rifle Battalions 6,276
-2 Tank Regiments (6 Battalions) 966
-2 Motor Logistics Battalions: 1,674
-2 Combat Service Support Battalion: 1808
-4 Anti-Tank Gun Batteries: 396
-3 Artillery Battalions: 1485
-2 Air Defence Battalions: 944

Total Personnel: 17,270 (Approx. 30% reservists)

Major Equipment:
188 T-55 Tanks
12 BMP 120mm mortar carriers
32 BTR-60 APCs
Approx. 200 AT-7 ATGM
Approx. 1000 RPGs
Approx. 100 SA-7 Strela SAM
Approx. 50 Igla SAM
11 ZSU-23-4 Shilka AAA
6 ZPU-4 AAA
84 BMP-1
54 BMP-2
32 2A45 125mm anti-tank guns
24 D-20 152mm Howitzers
48 D-30 122mm Towed Howitzers
37 120mm Mortars
24 81mm Mortars
96 60mm Mortars
3 Kapustnik BM Artillery Fire Control System
3 ARK-1 Counter battery Radar
2 Side Net Height Finding Radar
2 Long Track EW Radar
4 Straight Flush Radar
16 SA-6 TEL
+Several hundred Light Vehicles

Civil Defence Corps

-22 Militia Rifle Battalions Approx 13,000
-8 Militia Motor Cavalry Units 320
-6 Motor Transport Battalions Approx 3,600

Major Equipment
Approx. 1500 RPGs
350 60mm Mortars
+ light Vehicles

Total Personnel: 20,000 (95% Reservists)

Inhassoro

The last of Frederico Sylvia's 14,000 or so troops are finally brought north from Mondlan Barracks and moved into position. Most of his forces are located between Inhassoro and Nova Mambone, where they can be resupplied by sea, and evacuated by sea if that becomes necessary. Columns of armored vehicles and trucks, led by T-55Hs, sit under camoflauge netting alongside a number of roads heading north, commanders still going over assault plans and learning the geography. Operation Prawn's objective remains a (relatively) closely guarded secret, and all the battalion commanders really know is that they are going north, and hugging the coast while doing that.

Unfortunately for Sylvia and his staff, it turns out that estimates of Free State strength are wildly off the mark. As far as both the MoD and Sylvia can tell, the Free State Frontier Force has not many more than 20 or so T-55s, no ATGWs, perhaps 40 APCs, ineffectual or inoperable artillery support, and little to nothing of an airforce to back it up. Although the last supposition might turn out to be true, the CoMDF-A won't actually know what it is up against until the FSFF turns up in force. With luck, that won't happen, and Operation Prawn's success largely depends on the Free Staters believing (and quite rightly) that their biggest military threat lies to the west.

The CoMDF-A, far too late to be of much use, begins recruiting in earnest, and also applies to the Ministry of Finance for additional funding. Army commanders would very much like some tracked APCs, as well as more attack helicopters and MANPADS...in essence, the kind of equipment that would have made Operation Prawn a good deal easier if they'd bothered to buy-up several months earlier. With zero-hour weeks, not months, away, it is really far too late to add new forces and equipment to Sylvia's Brigade and expect them to hold their own against the Free Staters.

(OCC: If you're ready to do this, UE, I am too.)

Mobilisations in Mozambique looked a sideshow next to what now represented more than quarter of a million men under arms in the United African Republics, but the level of mechanisation and support in the hated Free State would have impressed the vast APVA units (if not exactly likely to have phased the LRAC) had they not been so distracted chasing Islamists in the former Al Khali enclave and nationalists and others branded terrorists in Zimbabwe.

Over-running the terrorist state in the middle of Mozambique was none the less a long-term dream of the Lusakan old gang, the roots reaching back to the days before the thing even existed. But, rather than doing that, City was running farm-tea-for-less drives and trying to find other products, beside copper, to make the ANP more important to the Walmingtonians, since the Free State was to some degree associated with Baghdad, United Elias and its oil was surely more important to London than either the MozCom or the UAR, and a British battleship was known to be en route to the region, if not already in theatre, with firepower enough to ruin any coast-hugging operation her commanders desired.

Troops started to withdraw from staging areas near the Strathdonian border (mostly Tanzanian and Zambian, leaving Zimbabwean security forces in defensive posture with some minor elements from the other two republics) as City considered giving-up some ambitions relating to Strathdonian occupied territory, or at least backing-off for now, in an effort to satisfy the departing Walmingtonians that the bigger threats to Protestantism remained still in Europe and Asia.

Kinshasa was told that the UAR was prepared to shoulder the burdon of risk in the east, regarding Mozambique, with Marshal Olongwe suggesting that Commonwealth strength opposite Gabon while hands-off in the east might send a message. Give-up on Mozambique and the UAR will leave Strathdonia alone, give up on the Free State and the ANP will not need to reopen the Gabonese front. The two theatres are after all joined by land for the ANP, but thousands of ocean kilometres apart for anyone else.

Igomo continues to give grand speeches talking of great victories for African unity, and the need for all sides to see that ambition fully realised and to foster a new climate of friendliness before the real enemies of freedom have disengaged from their Asian debacle.

On the Free-State/Commonwealth Border

Maputo is clearly not entirely willing to wait around for Baghdad to respond to City's diplomatic overtures, as the order finally comes up from Maputo for Sylvia to launch Operation Prawn, the Commonwealth's plan for invading the Free State. The battery of 105mm guns near Nova Mambone is the first CoMDF unit to go into action, and it begins to shell what few military installations there are within sight of the border. It isn't much of a bombardment, and neither is the mortar volley delivered by troops in Nova Mambone itself against the nearby border crossing, but it is probably enough to surprise any FSFF troops around and send them scurrying towards the site of all the commotion.

Frederico Sylvia's 1st Regiment slowly rumbles northward, the most modern and most organized portion coming straight from Inhassoro under the command of the general himself. The five battalions forming the right wing of Operation Prawn advance in a column along the coastal road, the 11th Engineer and its bridging units in the lead.