NationStates Jolt Archive

The old Air Defence Organisation (a name twenty years old and now, with the power of hindsight for everyone else, apparently designed to avoid nationalist identification) has plenty of Tigers to spare, and most are painted in, well, tiger stripes of black and orange, looking quite impressive. The Tigersharks are of African green, with a strike of revolutionary red. But that matters little, today. The F-5L, in any configuration, has capacity for GSh-23L twin 23mm cannon, two wingtip stations for U-Darter SRAAM, and the capacity to carry Raptor glide bomb in an awkward configuration, or 250kg free-fall bombs, 57mm rockets, and 80mm rockets, that is, as they stand. City seems to seek no more than a couple of million dollars for half a dozen or so of these fighters.

(Sorry, the organisation of this is cut short... I think I just heard the name of a highschool friend mentioned in competion in the Commonwealth Games!)

The Imperial Roycelandian Government has been in touch with Neo Anarchos and indicated that they are amenable to the NA proposal, on the theory that the Zimbabwean War benefits no-one at all, and is stirring up anti-European sentiment in Africa, which is never a good thing.

The Roycelandian Media are at great pains to point out that- for perhaps the first time in the continent's history- Roycelandia has nothing to do with the Zimbabwean War, besides having some RBC News Crews there.

Meanwhile, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Royce I has called for calm in the embattled country, and is offering to host peace talks in either Roycelandian Vanuatu or the Cape Verde Islands to reach some sort of agreement on Zimbabwe.

Meanwhile, in Harare, a very attractive young African woman was listening to the RBC World Service on a short-wave radio set.

"...And in Hong Kong, the price of chickens has dropped over tenfold in the wake of the latest outbreak of H5N1. The Hong Kong Governing Assembly is considering the passage of a bill which would require the slaughter of all chickens in the former British Colony, in an effort to halt the spread of the epidemic.."

The young woman turned the radio off. "Honey?" she called out to the other occupant of the house, "I've got to go to work. I'll be back later."

Agent Codename: Darknesss had just been given her instructions.

The old Air Defence Organisation (a name twenty years old and now, with the power of hindsight for everyone else, apparently designed to avoid nationalist identification) has plenty of Tigers to spare, and most are painted in, well, tiger stripes of black and orange, looking quite impressive. The Tigersharks are of African green, with a strike of revolutionary red. But that matters little, today. The F-5L, in any configuration, has capacity for GSh-23L twin 23mm cannon, two wingtip stations for U-Darter SRAAM, and the capacity to carry Raptor glide bomb in an awkward configuration, or 250kg free-fall bombs, 57mm rockets, and 80mm rockets, that is, as they stand. City seems to seek no more than a couple of million dollars for half a dozen or so of these fighters.

(Sorry, the organisation of this is cut short... I think I just heard the name of a highschool friend mentioned in competion in the Commonwealth Games!)

As they stand is perfect for the FAM (might as well revert to the Portuguese, eh?), since they are really only needed as interceptors due to the Commonwealth's rather large collection of Romanian and South African trainer-attackers. It is also a positive that the Lusakan Tigers can accept U-Darters, since the FAM bought fifty of them quite recently. The five (possibly more, since they do appear very cheap) Tigers will probably be organized into a re-activated No.1 squadron at Inhambane, a move that will probably put a few IAR-99s into storage until there is an opportunity to train more pilots.

Foreign minister Fernandes is flown out to Lusaka aboard the FAM's VIP-configured L-410 to finalize the purchase agreement.

OCC: Well and good, Lusaka. The INU is probably a bit too worried, and could probably forget the whole matter and concentrate on the French if it wasn't so paranoid about the possibility of losing diplomatic capital with Britain or the Bedgellens. Union diplomats have a way of seeing the worst-case scenario rather quickly...

Thanks for the clarification.

Tsar Wingert was still just waiting for an update of what was needed from the Nigerians. It was very unclear what was happening here, and Afircan politics tended to make his head hurt. In the end, it seemed like more interesting things were happening in Beth Gellert.

Tsar Wingert the Great.

a new peace plan:

1. All parties must agree that the people of Zimbabwe constitute the ultimate authority on the nation's political alignment and future. Therefore; Referenda are to be held, at the soonest possible time, to decide whether the Zimbabwean people consent to the continued rule of Robert Mugabe.

2. All parties must agree that the Zimbabwean people have the right to oblige any foreign military force to depart. Therefore; Referenda are to be held, at the soonest possible time, to determine whether LRAC or British Army troops may enter or remain within Zimbabwe.

3. All parties must agree that Zimbabwe is one state, whole and indvisible unless approved by the Zimbabwean people. Therefore; Referenda are to be held, at the soonest possible time, to determine whether Zimbabwe shall retain sovereign rights or consent to annexation by Lusaka.

4. All parties must agree to oppose any invasion of the sovereign state of Zimbabwe, invasion being an attempt by a foreign military to conquer and administer for itself part or whole of the sovereign territory of Zimbabwe.

5. All parties must agree that, the health needs of the Zimbabwean people being dire, no barriers shall be raised to the free and equal distribution of emergency food aid to internally displaced persons or others in need, the free and equal distribution of medical aid, antiretroviral drugs in particular, and the operation of non-governmental, non-profit health organizations working for the betterment of the Zimbabwean people. In order to eliminate the possibility of commercial exploitation, such vital assistance must be rendered free of cost and unconditionally.

6. All parties must agree that it is in Zimbabwe's best interest to not suffer a major war on its sovereign territory and that a peaceful settlement is not only beneficial but necessary, and all parties must agree to adhere to the descisions of the Zimbabwean people expressed in Referenda.

7. Pending the result of certain Referenda, the Zimbabwean Defense Force shall be, at the soonest possible, reorganized in order to oversee the phased withdrawl of foreign military elements. The Zimbabwean Defense Force, being vital to the continued sovereignty of Zimbabwe, shall be retrained and re-armed in accordance with the will of the Zimbabwean people, expressed in Referenda.

8. In the interest of continuing peace and stability on the African Continent, The Indian National Union volunteers to train and equip Zimbabweans so they are able to improve their nation through their own efforts, without depence on foreign benefactors, and to pay for such training and equipment.



Congolese diplomats reacted promptly, but their response was probably not too heartening to INU hopes of a quick solution. Sworn to uphold democracy on the basic level at least, point 1 was readily accepted by the Commonwealth; as are points 4, 5, and 6. The Commonwealth has deployed it's sizable forces to keep war at bay, and the Commonwealth Red Cross is currently undergoing reorganization and resupplying to be ready to enter Zimbabwe and Zambia once they can do so safely. The CRC will of course render it's services free, and plenty of food, blankets, tents as well as what retroviral drugs can be spared, are among the items to go.

Points 2, 3, 7 and 8 are all rejected in their current form, however. It is evident(in AC's opinion) that while their intentions are true, no fair referenda can be held unless a large military presence remains in the country to guarentee security for the population. Possibly teams of international observers could be instated to make sure the ANP forces do not interfere with the democratic process, but withdrawing forces and creating a new and capable military for Mugabe to abuse is out of the question.

Consolidation of military and support structures continue, and critics in the Commonwealth argue that Ndelebe is merely stalling the negotions to a snail's pace, in order to strengthen Pact military presence. Given the partisan climate in Commonwealth politics at the moment, it was not surprising that the critics soon realized that prudence is the better part of valour, and shut like clams.

(Lusaka, are you completely disregarding the Russian military machine? We're one of the most potent military mights on the globe, my friend.)

The African Commonwealth is contacted and informed that the Russians and Nigerians would gladly accept a military presence to maintain stability in Zimbabwe; but it must be a neutral third party.

With all apparent attempts at reason and compromise rejected by the Lusakans, the Russians contact the British and ask if they should initiate operations.

Replies to Russia are speedy as well, even if they are very curt and unfriendly; the Russian empire is no longer considered friends of the A.C. it is evident that the Commonwealth would like the event resolved without open conflict; even if their other motives are less clear.

A multi-national force would be acceptable to the Congolese government(particularly if some ANP forces can stay along with said force), preferably from one or more completely non-afiliated nations. Among parties that to the Commonwealth would consent to are: China, Neo-Anarchos, Spyr and Quinntonia. Even nations that have not been directly or wholly involved(like Roycelandia and United Elias) are considered to hold too many interests in "tampering with regional stability" to be prudent choices.

In the theatre, Commonwealth commanders grow increasingly over-protective of their deployed assets; and measures are being made to reduce the visual signature of tanks and planes(a sort of reverse force multiplication), and supply depots and field hospitals are set up on the tri-national border zone.




((Not disregarding as such, AC. I think it's a fair bet that the combined ANP forces can sustain a conflict that will prove too costly for Russia in terms of projection. Of course the enterprising Russian commander could think up other things like strategic bombing campaigns, but of the ANP, at least the Commonwealth possess the equipment to make that option risky as well.))

The United African Republic's defiance persisted, with Igomo continuing to rubbish extra-African standards in an African context. The line was still primarily anti-colonial, and insistant that referenda at the current time would take advantage of conditions imposed upon the African people by northern imperialists. Mr.Derek continued to bellow -wavering from time to time as his mind or voice wandered- about an African family renaissance, while thousands of people migrated across what he considered internal borders within the UAR, many driven in trucks or crammed aboard old Lusakan military trains and clutching papers from City promising their family group ownership of a plot of land in Zimbabwe, or -in the case of Zimbabweans- of an already working farmstead in Zambia or Tanzania or more likely promising work in the Copperbelt and on-site housing for their families.

In Zimbabwe, Tanzanian and Zambian troops strutted about on high morale and in the good spirits of the old Lusakan character, making a generally good impression on people expecting less from soldiers. The also benefitted from unusual experience, in the less-developed world, of peace-keeping and security operations and training directed to such operations, after quarter of a century of frequent deployments across the continent on the orders of the African crusader Igomo.

Now there were rumours of SPP diplomats meeting with ANC partners in South Africa, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe to discuss, some say, South African involvement in the UAR's reform schemes in Zimbabwe. Nothing yet was forthcoming on the matter.

Mozambique

Defence negotiators in the MozCom wonder if it is indeed F-5L Tiger and not F-20L Tigershark that the little nation desires: to City, the Tiger does indeed make more sense for a little nation, being deployed by the UAR's air forces as a multi-role machine with Raptor glide bombs, 250kg free-fall bombs, and 57mm and 80mm unguided rockets as well as GSh-23L twin 23mm cannon and wingtip U-Darter missiles, but in light of Maputo's desire for interceptors, the F-20L may be more useful. Its much more able General Electric multi-mode radar -since adapted by local and South African effort- gives almost ninety kilometre look-up range, and over fifty-five kilometre look-down; HUD and a panoramic canopy help the fighter's chances in aerial combat, and its Mach-2 class speed doesn't hurt those able to handle it, either. Again armed with GSh-23L cannon and wingtip U-Darter, the Lusakan Tigershark has also been used in test-firing A-Darter and, reputedly, related Yugoslav missiles during their development, and, more importantly, Lusakan machines fly into action carrying four under-wing reportedly home-on-jam-capable R-Darter active-radar-guided BVRAAM. One might wonder why these would be for sale, were it not for the fact that, in spite of many shows of strength, the UAR could not maintain its Quinntonian aircraft in a hostile climate in relation to NATO.

African Intelligence Bureau commandant Colonel Amule Saleem Amin, a Zanzibar Arab, was in the Commonwealth on one of Igomo's more far-stretched missions. UAR meddling in the north was increasing day on day, and not insignificant army assets were deployed close to the border, but even so City seemed genuine about its preparedness to sell reasonably modern fighter jets to the nation. Submarines, missile boats, and mine countermeasures vessels were not infrequently violating Mozambique's territorial waters, and Preston aircraft outfitted for basic maritime observation were often to be seen in the skies.

The impression, as the Colonel came to Maputo, was very much of an iron-fisted UAR wearing a velvet glove; another hand resting, friendly, on the Commonwealth's shoulder but in easy reach of its throat.

Amin was not long guarded in his intention to make clear that City had sent him because the UAR considered Beira to be, essentially, RENAMO, and something that had to be, "sorted-out" ASAP. With a slight warming in tense relations between City and Lilongwe, the Zanzibar was no longer drilling for engagement against another monitor of the same kind but for coastal bombardment... though firing drills were still very tight on the use of ammunition. Mamba Class (Hound) submarines were out on frequent patrol, and Drapoel-origin landing craft were even being checked over after a long time in storage, while. Mechanised forces, artillery, and FROG missiles were moving east in Zimbabwe and south in the former Al Khali DR. A lot of this could just have been against European threats, but the Colonel, in Maputo, seemed to be implying otherwise.

OOC:
AC, the ANP likely already realise how unhappy any HL involvement would make Strathdonia and how difficult an unhappy Strathdonia would make deployments to the area. Likely the Strathdonia would not do anything as rash as out right attack British or Russian forces but you migth discover that the MozCom have somehow come into possession of a strangely strathdonian looking tank brigade that would be used to mount operations against the Free State, particualrly in coastal areas and if Russian Forces were to attack the MozCom then all the bets are off in the region...

IC:

As the situation continues to rumble on quietly the Strathdonian high command have been froced to deactivate most of the territorial and reserve forces due to the extremely high burden they placed on the already strained economy. With the massive spending involved in the new frigate and tank aquistion programs a number of cuts in spending have been made across the govenrment, most notably with Mps and civil servants taking a significant 15% paycut, the govenrment has also announced a 2% increase in income tax, bringing the baseline tax level to 13%. The Finace ministry are walkigna fine line between finding funds to pay for the much needed defence spending and causing potentially fatal harm to the already slowed economy.

Various media outlets continue thier rampant hate campaign agaisnt Louis and Wingert and Igomo has once again entered the sights of the political commentators with much debate being put into deciding just how insane he actually is.
A number of popular television and radio services have begun to broadcast into the Free State, most of it is general entertainment and BBC imports but there are the odd local documentary about the Crimes commited by the Tsar and the french King or the historic links between Scotland and Russia, msot of them are even subtitled in russian. None go as far as to outright encrouage Russian troops and civilians to rise up agaisnt the HL but even the most unobservant veiwer or listener would pick up on the hitns and general trend eventually.

Belgrade, remaining supportive of the ANP in no small part due to a shortage of other allies and crumbling of broader non-alignment dreams (as well as propaganda-friendly similarities in various domestic policies), and deploying forces to Africa only responsively after any potentially hostile increases from the Holy Leage and others, has sent a string of diplomats and industrial representatives to Strathdonia since recent diplomatic shifts made the nation again more interesting.

The Yugoslavians appear, in contrast to Strathdonia, to be having a good time of it, economically, but in truth a lot of their trade profits are yet to materialise and are riding on a favourable outcome for the ANP in current crises. If the Pact crumbles, or is strangled into obscurity, Belgrade will be left with a lot of unhonoured export contracts. Trade with another partner is potentially significant, but it is nothing compared to any move that may reduce the chances of the Pan-Africanists being delt a hammering, and so building a Slavic bridge between Lilongwe and City seems quite appealing as government agents and union bosses descend upon the Scottish-African enclave.

Much of Yugoslavia's trade with Africa -the ANP, RSA, and Libya alike- has been based mainly on defence technologies, but there is little immediate prospect of this being quite as important with Strathdonia (though one can not rule it out, given Lilongwe's chilly regard for the Holy League that has no more staunch an opponent than Yugoslav President Aidarov). Trade in less dangerous commodities is potentially quite appealing to the Socialist Federal Republic, which has high hopes for its worker-management enterprises in constructive competition with the relatively inoffensive capitalist Africans.

OOC: I think the Strathdonians are putting ideology above practice, Strath. I mean, look: the Russians have outright stated that they would side with the INU, the enemy of France, in order to achieve peace, and even want neutral third parties to ensure freedom and independance for Zimbabwe.

Everything we've done indicates that we don't want war; everything Igomo has done indicates that he does.

The Russians speak in terms of practical compromise; Igomo just raves about "imperialists" and "colonialism" (like we could afford to own another African country; Nigerian aid programs cost the Russians tremendously as it is).

Igomo refuses to negotiate and is willing to simply plunge Africa into another World War just to ensure his "African family" ideology. He's not even giving the Zimbabwans a choice!

Mozambican MoD representatives are indeed interested in the more capable F-20L, but question the CoMDF-AF's ability to operate such an aircraft for very long. The CoMDF-AF definately needs a radar-equipped aircraft, but, with an eye on the rapidly-growing defense expenditures, they wonder about just how capable a radar is needed. Air combat with the Free State will almost certainly take place within visual ranges and the CoMDF-AF probably already has an advantage with its U-Darters. R-Darters and A-Darters, although attractive, are quickly deemed too expensive and left for another day. On the other hand, the CoMDF-AF doesn't intend to keep its fast jet fleet for any longer than necessary, so if war with the Free State happens soon, as it is likely to, the F-20L wouldn't be a bad choice at all.

In the end, the MoD decides to buy a mixed bag: three F-20Ls immediately, along with the two conversion trainers, and another three F-5Ls on layaway, to be paid-for in part but not yet taken into service, not until the Tigersharks become excessive, or until they are all written-off in crashes. With the radar described by Lusakan negotiators, Free State aircraft would stand no chance against Commonwealth fighters.

Meanwhile, in Maputo, Colonel Amin is entertained by President Joaquim Chissano. Between being treated to remarkably casual state lunches in the city, or taken to review the troops at Mondlan Barracks, Chissano describes the Commonwealth's opinion on the Free State. At first, he says, it was government policy to negotiate with RENAMO, and a peaceful reunification was nearly achieved before Afonso Dhlakama was deposed in absentia. Maputo is deeply troubled by the rise of the "belligerant and uncooperative" SPP, seen as dominated by Europeans, mercenaries at that, and it is Maputo's policy to seek reunification by diplomatic or military means once the next opportunity presents itself. But Chissano goes on to explain that, while the CoMDF has indeed been built-up into a force capable of resisting the Free State's designs, the Free State has Russian manpower and firepower backing it up and to attack would be to invite total disaster. Moreover, he says, all attempts at infiltrating FRELIMO and FDMN elements into the Free State have met with failure. The APP, it appears, commands considerable popular support and is operating in the heart of its power base.

Maputo, Chissano promises, will not object to any ANP effort to tackle the Free State from Zimbabwe, and might contribute to such an operation itself, but the military situation in the Commonwealth is such that to go it alone would be suicidal. Also, while Chissano carefully dodges the issue, the Colonel might get the feeling that MPADE and the sitting Commonwealth government doesn't want to upset the Strathdonians, who remain the nation's largest benefactors. Nobody is about to ask Lilongwe to join any of Maputo's possible miltiary adventures against Kurtz.

But Chissano stresses that the Commonwealth of Mozambique wants to cooperate with the ANP as much as possible, and is willing to throw its support to the ANP presence in Zimbabwe as well.

Mozambican diplomats also angle for a closer relationship with Belgrade, now seen as both a cheap source of defense hardware and as a potentially vital trade partner.

In order to accomodate the ANP, Maputo prepares to reverse its policy on Zimbabwe, or at the very least to declare full neutrality with regards to the issue and wait it out, the latter most likely.

Versailles

Incensed after weeks of strange diplomatic attacks and threatened military action, His Most Christian Majesty’s Prime Minister Monsieur le Comte de Maurepas issues a direct statement, speaking on the French evening news:

“Africa would indeed be a concern of His Invincible Christian Majesty Louis-Auguste, would that it warranted one ounce of interest. Its people, as it has recently demonstrated, are as primitive and backward as was Cain himself of yore. For they, speaking not in racial terms but simply geographic realities, have the angry instructs of animals, who, though enraged and barking, do not understand the cause of their malady, but rather like ignorant beasts attack all with their primal motivations.”

“As to African spirituality, it is accurate to say they are wonton pagans. Where as Asia has demonstrated a clear willingness to embrace Christian governance, and is worthy of it to begin with, Africa must be treated as a devils stomping ground, thusly to be avoided at all costs; lest those who journey their forfeit their own souls.”

“In the past, Europe was kind enough to tame this beast which is Africa, and attempt to teach it light and righteousness. However, they have surrendered any chance they had at salvation, and must now petition it in a spirit of profound obsequiousness. It is therefore appropriate that Britain, which has engaged in a strange mission with national malaise, finds itself undecided in this matter and subsequently, once again, blames the Kingdom of France for its woes. It is heartening to see the state of Roycelandia proudly carrying on the Anglo-Saxon traditions of vibrant foreign policy, decisive leadership, civil liberty, and monarchic respect befitting any civilized country with flying colors where England has embraced defeatism. The one ray of light in Africa is indeed the Roycelandian presence (needless to say the Kingdom of Algeria was included in that ray), and the Roycelandian people and Emperor have given their pure humantiy to save this tragic, tortured landscape.”

“May God have mercy on poor wretched Africa, and deign to grant them some share of his succor. Without it, it is obvious they shall just retreat to further primalistic regression, until one day they return to a state of anarchy and tribal warfare. Needless to say, this includes Strathdonia.”

Kinshasa

With Ndelebe bogged down in matters of strategy(the 5-star general insists on having an active hand in Army leadership), Vice President Ngolo Artheur was available for a short press conference this day, stating his abject intent to try and ease tempers abroad, and that he had high hopes for a non-violent solution to the conflict.

In response to le Comte de Maurepas' furious tirade, he laughed gently, and remarked(in fluent French), that the majority of the Congolese people is subject to the Holy Roman Catholic Church of the Commonwealth, and that the Lord almighty must somehow not have seen fit to inform the comte of this fact. He did regain his composure quickly at the mention of the darker, racist ouvertoures in the French missive; condemning in strong language the "white manifest destiny" implied by the Prime Minister of France. "For," as he put it, "the days of Colonialism are over. As party to the declaration of human rights naming all races equal, we will have no truck with such medieval psychoses.".

Asked by a Russian reporter what his personal opinion was on the states of Mozambique, Artheur's face tightened. "I am a member of government, my personal opinions is of no concern of you. But I can tell you that his Excellency the president and myself are following the situation with interest, and that we will put the Commonwealth in support of efforts that can unite the free peoples of Mozambique with their brethren, and the rest of Africa."

Giving in to the barrage of questions on Zimbabwe, the Vice President relented, and stated that Zimbabwe was part of Africa, one inalienable fact that should guide everyone on how to approach the matter. Lusaka was the controlling authority in the nation, and the war of agression had sadly been unavoidable in light of Mugabe's alliance with the Tendyala junta. "Peace," he said, "might finally be at hand. If the imperialist intentions of Britain, France and Russia can be curtailed, the Zimbabwean people have my word of honour that they will be free, as a United African Republic, to select their own government.".

Other questions remained, such as why public relations offices within the Commonwealth Nuclear Power Commision had been closed, and why no one had heard from the Angolan president in weeks, but Artheur stopped there; citing urgent government business.

Old Lusaka City

By now, Booker Mbeki was practically furious. Little he said or did seemed to have the slightest impact on the thick hide of Lusakan government, and now he demanded a personal audience with Miyanda or preferably Mr. Derek himself. Little else would do, if the Commonwealth could truly call itself a member of the ANP, and attempt to resolve the crisis at hand without subsaharan Africa being reduced to a pile of depleted uranium and rubble. Promises the Commonwealth made on behalf of the ANP would mean little to nothing if the Lusakans continued their course without paying attention to their largest ally.


Zimbabwe

Attempting to put some human sense into the situation at hand, the Commonwealth Armed Forces trucks arriving daily started to bring drugs, food, water purification equipment and building material, along with Commonwealth Red Cross personnel qualified to oversee the delivery - Soldiers noting the re-patriation of Zimbabweans and Lusakans across the border sent word back to an increasingly puzzled government, and Manus Nigra officers started probing the extent of Lusakan meddling with the people of Zimbabwe.

The consolidation of forces continued, and several new wings of Hawk 200s and Canberras are moved to the border where they may reach and strike targets inside Zambia and Zimbabwe.





OOC

AC> Ad hominem error, take it easy.. You're letting your personal OOC interpretation of Igomo's character get in the way of what is actually happening in-game. One might argue that the Zimbabweans are getting a choice they didn't have under Mugabe; and if no Brits, French or Russians had gotten involved, regional war would not even have been a remote possibility.

It's sort of like the invasion of Iraq, only without the car bombs and the unwanted non-native invasion force ;)

But seriously guys, I've made an OOC topic for this on the invisionfree forum. We really ought to discuss OOC matters there, so it doesn't clutter up this thread and stops the IC flow of things.

The suggestion that Spyr might see some involvement in the African conflict as a neutral observer or force of stabilization is greeted positively by the Strainists, if without much in the way of concrete offers... a fact excused by expressions of hope that the matter will be resolved through 'recognition of the rights of Africans to self-determination', though more likely rooted in worries over developments occuring much closer to Sithin than Zimbabwe.

Naturally, Maurepas' tantrum recieves some coverage across Lyong and Sujava, cited as proof of the Holy League's blind racism, and proof that the imperial vultures can be driven off when faced with sufficient determination.

A breif Snap shot of this week's internet fads has put a number of edited videos of the French Prime Minister's on the top spot. At least 10 different versions from different soruces have been indentified with variations including the inclusion of spongbob square pants and chucky from the rugrats. the most popular version within Strathdonia was produced by the SBC's own satiracal webpage "And Just Spam for All" and puts particualr emphaisis to the phrase: "Needless to say, this includes Strathdonia".

On the matter of appraochs from Belgrade Lilongwe presents a somewhat reserved but open reception, yes they are still a little suspicious after the Dhruv affair but it is clear that the nation needs mroe trading partners. As for defence materials, Stratrhdonia considers itself to be one of the toughest nuts to crack in that respect with most sections of the SDF having very definate ideas about what they want and need. (think rl Singapore or the UAE for levels of pickyness, of course the SDF doesn't always get what it wants and currently there are no major projects on the horizon (unless you want to work with the INU to refit our frigates)).

As Chinese troops seem to mobilize near the Russian border, and the drums of war beat more loudly in the former Marimaia, it becomes clear to First Minister Domalewski that his forces can ill afford to dawdle much longer in Mozambique. The British are sent what is basically an ultimatum.

"The Lusakans aren't budging, and we're wasting time and money waiting for them to accept a peace agreement that they've clearly rejected time and time again. We act now, or not only will I have my forces withdraw from the region, but I shall also begin supporting the opposing side in order to glean some benefit from this mess. Mr. Chaffin, Igomo is a madman bent on imperial conquest, and we cannot sit idly by while he adds another scalp to his belt. But if you choose not to do anything and hold out for a peace agreement that is clearly not in the making, then we will have no choice but to work with him."

With the blundering on to the edge of disaster undertaken by the Holy League in recent months, Belgrade had reversed its decision to halt deployment of extra forces to Africa, which had been made originally in hopes of similar restraint by Russia. Yugoslav Marine and Airborne units, the best and most mobile of Aidarov's forces, often having officers experienced in Lavrageria, were arriving in more substantial numbers, though, truth be told, they were only a couple of thousand strong in total.

The relatively small size of Yugoslav forces deployed was necessary given domestic defence needs and the limited nature of Belgrade's ability to deploy and support larger forces. The deployment was carried-out largely via civil transport vessels and the new licence-built Boxkite aircraft entering Yugoslav service after an agreement with the Hindustanis.

Aidarov compensated for the limited size of his forces deployment by swearing, increasingly often in public, that the SFRY's elite forces would do whatever was required of them in the pusuit of international peace and freedom. They might provide the core of a security force in a transitional Zimbabwean African Republic, fight an increasingly unlikely British invasion, launch a punative invasion of the collaborative Beria authority, or -this appeared to be the President's favourite dream- help to arrest or crush Russian forces in the region.

Continuing to sell defence equipment to the United African Republic and African Commonwealth on credit or at slim profit margins was probably a more helpful contribution.

Zimbabwe

The rail link through Matabeleland to Zambia seemed hardly to be making an impression on the crowds it siphoned north. Thousands waited, keen to make homes in the Copperbelt's mining communities or as apprentices on the state farming ventures and industrial concerns of the United African Republic's longer-established states.

It was through Mashonaland that more was happening. Along the roads from Harare towards Old Lusaka, rest stations were being established. What foreign aid money still reached Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Tanzania was helping to sink wells and pumps, to erect water-towers and small wind-driven generators, pitch tents, and roll-out sleeping mats. Tanzanian doctors and other workers were on hand in large numbers, strung out along miles and miles of road.

New Lusaka City continued to control access via what borders its forces had secured in Zimbabwe, owing of course to the delicate security situation and the sensitive co-ordination of aid and liberation efforts. It was hard to know, with the vast ranks of the Army of Lusaka, LRAC, and African People's Volunteer Army on hand, exactly what was happening and what was causing it... but it was now on an epic scale.

Over the early hours of Friday morning, first thousands then, eventually, hundreds of thousands of people began to move on foot. Many continued to wait on trainstation platforms, and a handful of airline flights and bus services continued to operate, but the roads were suddenly filled with the Zimbabwean masses. Tanzanian helicopters appeared frequently, flying along the course of the roads, watching for foreign incursions and spotting anyone in trouble on a long migration by foot under the African sun, but fully armed with guns, rockets, bombs, and missiles.

By noon, the first Harare residents were arriving at prepared rest stations several miles north of the capital. Meanwhile, trains, busses, and aircraft returning from Tanzania and Zambia disgorged less impressive numbers of long-time UAR citizens.

OOC: Hello, fellows. As you may or may not have previously read, TBF has gone kaput, and WoS is taking the role of the British. There's information in the old AMW recruitment thread, dealing with the changes coming. I have to do a few things in WoS-specific threads to detail events IC, first, but in the meanwhile, there's a necessary pause, here, I suppose. During the intermission, could anyone update me on just where British forces are, and maybe what they are, or point me towards the post or posts that deal with it? I'm generally aware of what's going on, but with a couple of threads and dozens of pages, my head's in a bit of a spin on some specifics in relation to what I'm adopting!

From what I can glean, TBF has almost 60,000 men based in Strathdonia, supported by at least one carrier, HMS Prince of Wales, one of the CVF replacements for the Invincible Class, embarking a wing of JSFs. Besides that there is a sizable surface action group, probably including Type 45 destroyers and with several Tomahawk-capable SSNs. As for air forces, TBF deployed Eurofighters, Tornado EF.3s, Harrier GR.9s, ASTORs, C-130Js, Pumas, Lynxesand WAH-64s. It is easy to imagine some Merlins and ship-board Lynxes in there too.

I don't think TBF ever posted any equipment totals.

But there aren't any British forces currently in Zimbabwe, to make that absolutely clear.

I hope that helps some.

(OOC: Note, the Russians are currently allied with TBF in the matter, and have asked the British whether they plan to act or not. If WoS/TBF doesn't go, we don't go.)

((WoS>> Crooked Beat laid out the military situation very well. As for the regional and political background, it's all pretty much here in this thread when you can find the time to read it. You should really consider joining the Invisionfree AMW board, by the way, for many details on forces and debate on this RP itself can be found there under the AMW OOC subforum))

African Commonwealth

Fearing that they may soon be standing alone against european powers because of lusakan obstinacy, Commonwealth leadership continue to request a meeting between Mr. Igomo and Booker Mbeki to form a uniform policy on Zimbabwe and the potential struggle here.

Zambia, Zimbabwe

A roiling heat-haze heralded the start of another day of toil and waiting for the more than 78,000 ACA and ACAF servicemen in Lusaka, Zambia and Zimbabwe. To the tunes of dancehall, reggae and metal blasting from CD ghetto blasters, hard-nosed soldiers dug tank trenches, concealed battle tanks in the dense scrub and did their best to protect their material while reducing its visual signature. If the British came, CAF doctrine was to appear out of nowhere with overwhelming force and hold for a defensive campaign after an initial counter-attack. In the effort to be the first to detect an eventual attack, regular twin flights of R-99A and R-99B Embraer planes (Specializing in Airborne early warning and control; and Remote Sensing, respectively.) are in the air above northern Zimbabwe, keeping the Commonwealth informed on launches of coalition aircraft.

Bi-daily arrivals of armoured personnel carriers, radars and fighting vehicles of various kinds were still occuring, but the primary focus at the time is becoming so entrenched that the Walmingtonians would rue any decision to invade an African country. Morale remains stable despite falling on boredom and uncertainty - Hardened NCOs lay the foundation for keeping people ready to fight, but not everyone share the sentiment. Two soldiers have deserted their respective combat batallions, and on several occasions soldiers have lied about going on patrol to go hold a pot-smoking party with Lusakan irregulars. In spite of these events, the CAF considers itself as ready as it will ever be.

With internal migration and political restructuring well under way, Russia under threat of war with numerous equal and superior enemies at home and its moderate deployments to Africa matched by Yugoslav efforts and the certainty of strangulation by Indian and other powers should war be joined, Roycelandia remaining thus far uninvolved and still threatened in Goa and elsewhere by the Soviets, the MozCom making itself good and ready against the Free State, and the African People's Volunteer Army mobilised in strength, President Derek Igomo was making renewed public appearances to attend Social Progress Party rallies.

Under the African green, revolution red, and prosperous gold of their flag, the Lusakans -that really being a name applied to those associated with the Old Lusaka-based revolutionary conspiracy begun in the late 1970s against the Roycelandian Empire, a fact that few foreigners seemed to properly understand- now surveyed the reality of no small part of their fundamental dream in action.

The United African Republics were now proclaimed, incorporating the Republics of Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, with open invitation of a sort remaining in extension to entities that City called Mozambique and Malawi.

Derek Igomo, announcing his retirement from the presidency of what had -in his time- been an incomplete nation and now stood independent, was called father of the Republics, and would be based in City, on the Tanzania-Zambia border. He appeared to be taking no official title, but a de facto role as chief of state.

In the African Republic of Tanzania, at Dodoma, would -to the delight of millions- be based President Livingstone Miyanda.

AR Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, would continue to host the elected government of President Robert Mugabe.

The African Republic of Zambia would base its government, under the presidency of local anti-LUAN resistance leader Colonel George Tanko, at the birthplace of anti-Roycelandian revolt, Old Lusaka.

Colin Olongwe, meanwhile, was created Marshal of the Armed Forces for the entire UAR.

Inside the UAR, a few hundred recruits from various forces and with various levels of experience continued the hunt for Islamists in southeastern Tanzania and Zanzibar, fighting a low-level conflict with, 'an incident' or two happining on a less than daily basis. Massive migration continued, with farmers and workers being shuffled about, between Zambia and Tanzania on one hand, and Zimbabwe on the other, snakes of a thousand ribs slithering along the roads, dipping themselves into Igomo's waystations for rest and watering.

Kinshasa received less than prompt and concise responses to expressions of concern because they simply weren't shared by the Lusakans. Global events were running away with any will to meddle in Africa's affairs, said Olongwe, suggesting that the Walmingtonians had other things to worry about, such as the security of the Wendsleybury Islands, Australasia, the INU, and their own shores. They wouldn't start a land war in Africa that could drag on for years and tie their hands against action elsewhere, should situations worsen in Asia and Europe. Besides, since their electoral success depended in some part on ex-BID Party MPs and voters, Igomo reasoned that he had friends in Parliament on the Speaker's right.

Tanko, in an unrelated matter, invited Kinshasa and Mumbai to provide any available aid to AIDS clinics in Zambia's neglected western reaches, around the Zambezi, which had suffered by its very late arrival in the UARs and did not enjoy the *relatively* good facilities and educational provisions of the eastern half of his Republic, which had been part of the Lusakan movement since the start. In fact, he estimated, rates of infection were at least three times higher in western Zambia than in the east or in Tanzania, leaving several hundred thousand cases with full modern treatment available for hardly hundreds. This sort of thing did not lend itself to high headcounts in contribution to African defence forces.

Much to the delight of Leon Alberto, everything has gone in the Commonwealth's favor as of late. Improved relations with Yugoslavia and the African National Pact enable the CoMDF to make serious plans for an attack on the Free State and its eventual reunification with the rest of Mozambique, something that most had considered years, if not decades away even months earlier. With the Russians stretched thin, their border and oil supply threatened by much larger China, it seems quite likely that their relatively small military mission will leave the Free State in the near future. If they don't leave entirely, the Ministry of Defense is unanimous in the opinion that the Russian troops will be inadequately equipped and supplied.

The change in government in London comes at a perfect time as well. With Chaffin out of the picture, it looks almost certain that the Zimbabwe situation will be left to fizzle out, rather than explode into region-wide conflict, clearing the way for Maputo's own plans. To further these ends, Foriegn Minister Juan Fernandes makes arrangements to fly out to Dodoma to meet with none other than Livingstone Miyanda, with the purpose of enlisting ANP support for the Ministry of Defense's Operation Prawn.

Maputo is less than excited about joining the United African Republics, especially if it means giving up self-governance. But support amongst Commonwealthers is, all told, considerable. No few people remember back to the days of Samora Machel and the successful military adventures against Rhodesia, while others, less apt to praise the deceased Machel, see the UAR as a sure avenue towards economic certainty and self-reliance. Still others consider the UARs and African unity as the best defense against the new imperialism, since the Commonwealth's long coastline and small military makes it particularly vulnerable to land-grabbers. And others are eager to take advantage of business opportunities offered by the Zambian copperbelt and Zimbabwean agriculture, or in rail transportation.

The mood in the Commonwealth's capital is, to be sure, more upbeat and more optimistic than has been the case for quite some time.

Inhambane

Under bright, sunny skies at the CoMDF-AF's main jet base, the newly-reactivated No.1 squadron recieves its new mounts. The squadron had last flown MiG-21bis, before that particular type was withdrawn on the basis of safety concerns, and after spending the intervening time in several kinds of specialist training, its pilots are glad to have aircraft again.

The first of the CoMDF-AF's F-20L Tigersharks rockets from the Inhambane airstrip in the hands of the capable Squadron Leader Antonio Pina. Even after being repainted in battleship grey, covering up the Lusakan tiger stripes, the airplane cuts an imposing figure. Pina takes his new mount out over the Mozambique Channel to take stock of its performance, and when he returns to base, over an hour later and with very little fuel left, he is full of praise.

It isn't long after the type's first flight that No.1 squadron begins to fly patrols over the Mozambique Channel with its three F-20s and two twin-seat F-5s.

Strathdonia

"Ohw..." Whined Private Cheeseman, "You'd think they'd at least take Sunday off, isn' it?" he said, pulling a face and waving the flies away from his head.

This deployment had not been great for moral. Half the army was in Southern Africa, doing nothing. Meanwhile Spain was being courted by the Holy League and Franco-Russian forces marauded across Europe while Roycelandia reminded everyone of her true colours. Soldiers had little to do but endure the sun, and airmen thought about new Yugoslav fighter jets, Soviet ABM systems, and unknown numbers of AFRISAM batteries and wondered what, other than things designed to shoot at them, could possibly be attacked in an otherwise backwater rural nation several hundred percent larger than the British Isles. Officers regarded maps with blurred vision as minds boggled at the prospect of a bushwar that Roycelandia couldn't win when the enemy didn't have a generation of intensive experience.

And, why were sixty thousand troops here, again? In response to the Zimbabwean invasion? The President of Zimbabwe was still in power! It looked as if guns had been jumped...

Certainly the massive population movements were a little out of the ordinary, but nobody seemed to be dying as a direct result, aid stations were on television screens, people were chattering about employment, food, and fuel, and it was beyond anyone in the military or the new government to explain just how a war here could be justified if Strathdonia wasn't actually to be attacked.

Lilongwe clearly was less than terrified, and so liason officers were now discussing the proper nature of mid-term presence in country. It seemed that a large training exercise might be in order, enabling a couple of thousand Walmingtonian personnel to remain in country for the immediate future while the rest headed home to defend higher priorities.

No, the UAR and the ANP weren't ideal in London's perception, but, so long as the Republics were prepared to supply tea to boost that coming from the INU, and nobody attacked Strathdonia, there was no call for British soldiers to fight African wars.

The possibility of war in Mozambique was troubling, but while Baghdad may back one side, the Middle East itself was in no danger, and Royal Navy ships could always maintain a presence off shore. The African socialists and nationalists would at least appreciate that attacking Strathdonia meant involving Walmington, and so as to avoid giving an impression of incapacity by withdrawing so many soldiers without acting, the battleship Couragous was dispatched to to visit South Africa and perhaps to wander up the coast and show the flag.

The United African Republics

With British troops departing in droves, and certainly occupied for the immediate future, Republican forces continue to move away from the Strathdonia's borders with Tanzania and Zambia, including most mechanised forces and some artillery. However, a good many forces of all sorts remain in place on the Zambian border with occupied Mozambique, while the vast majority of the Lusakan Armies move to eastern Zimbabwe opposite the Free State, and into southeastern Tanzania, behind the northern division of the Commonwealth.

Marshal of the Armed Forces, Colin Olongwe, like President Miyanda of Tanzania, has indicated to the Mozambique Commonwealth, which the UAR officially recognises as the legitimate successor state to the Simban administration, the probability of Lusakan support in the event of, 'great difficulties'. However, many suspect that Mr.Derek is thinking on the incorporation of Mozambique to the United African Republics, and even wonder if he may try to order an invasion of the Free State from the west to gain a footing before MozCom troops move in from their coastal thrust.