NationStates Jolt Archive

(Nb. Al Khals is, in line with the Sub Saharan African region, set to join A Modern World, and as such this RP will henceforth probably be open only to members of that RPing group.)


Via’di’arl, capital Al Jumhuriyah Al Khals Dimuqratiyah, Southern Africa

The Democratic Republic of Al Khals, as it was conventionally known, was one of those little faraway places that most people had never heard of unless their uncle Brian had oil in his veins, or at least access to a related slush fund. Perhaps a few people in a few countries wondered whatever happened to that sub-Saharan African war that dominated the headlines a few months back, but oh well, there was always a new explosion-filled crisis to catch-up on.

The four million residents of Al Khals were, by and large, not all that much better informed about what exactly had become of the war. President Omar Qottar and his Prime Minister, Al Khals Kadira Republic Party’s own Habib Kilany, assured the people that the anti-Lusakan war into which they’d charged was now concluded, and for all the right reasons. Apparently, the United African Republic (of Lusaka), a black-majority socialistic nation of over ten times Al Khals’ population, had posed a serious threat to 90% Arab and oil-rich Al Khals, and the war had of course reduced that threat. It absolutely hadn’t been an over-ambitious attempt to annex Zanzibar, ended by bloody street fighting in the Lusakan near-border town of Mbeya in which hundreds of Al Khalis died for nought. It was hard for critics to be taken seriously when they correctly insisted that Qottar was after Zanzibar. The idea that such a tiny army as that wielded by Al Khals could have hoped to sweep so far wide of its eventual target without being cut-off and out-flanked, even if it hadn’t become bogged-down, wasn’t realistic, stupid!

That said, in such a small nation it proved very hard to obscure the scale of Al Khali losses. For four million people it was no small matter to lose several thousand of their number in a matter of weeks. Worse than that, arguably, was the fact that Al Khalis couldn’t see the results; the myth of Lusakan menace hadn’t been properly developed prior to the war. In part this was because Via’di’arl did not wish to alert its larger neighbour to its hostile intent, and also because Qottar was simply so confident of victory that he expected to have prize enough afterwards to gloss-over objections.

Now the AKKR Party upon which Qottar’s sham-democratic secular, authoritarian rule depended was facing extreme pressure. In the eyes of many it had lost face, in the eyes of many it was weak and corrupt. Some felt that it shamed Al Khals, others thought that it had lied to the people, and still others that –by at least pretending their democratic consent- that it had made liars of the people.

Amal Abeid, head of long-marginalised opposition party Islamic Progress, was increasing his campaigning against the sitting party, which he called a puppet to Qottar’s secular and misguiding ambitions. For the first time since the collapse of Portuguese East Africa and the creation of a supposedly democratic republic, the Islamist opposition part was enjoying a groundswell of support against losses in the AKKR support base.

But that wasn’t the only other force at work in Al Khali politics. Apart from the tiny black-lead African Nationalist Society –an extra-political movement which had only lost support since the war with Lusaka and the later collapse of the sympathetic Igomo Social Progress Party in that nation, and looked likely to wane further- there was another faction. On the face of it perhaps related to the Islamic Progress Party, the disparate groups spurred-on by inspired young men like Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi were in fact deathly opposed to the IPP, and indeed to the entire democratic process. Ibn Omar al-Gharndi was sure that corruption had cause Al Khals’ defeat, and that the west was the primary source of this corruption. After all, white men accounted for perhaps a full percent of the Republic’s population, and they were here because they were interested only in oil and the profits and powers it could afford them. He believed that there was one way to properly govern Al Khals, and that it had been committed to paper centuries ago, and was in fact the word of God.

To Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi, to his deputy Bilal bin Amr al-Khal, and to others like them but yet unaware of their existence, the whole democratic process was a blasphemy, for the Quor’an was but one item, and did not expect to be voted upon. The very existence of multiple political parties was an error against God and propriety, and a vote –even for Islamic Progress- was un-Islamic.

This was exactly what Qottar needed. Inside the Republican Palace of Democracy, Omar Qottar met with the sickeningly timid and malleable Habib Kilany, Foreign Minister Habib Abeid, Information Minister Taimur bin Khalifa Al-Thani, Defence Minister Fariq Asim Abdelal, and KSU Commandant Amid Sani Amir. The imposing –if now ever so slightly chubby- president raised his voice to speak.

“Friends, we have in this movement our pass to preservation.” He said, which to many sounded quite odd, for he was speaking of the radical Islamists, those most fanatically and violently opposed to his rule. “Encourage them.” He said, looking to Amid Amir. “Do what you can to tie whomever strikes first to whomever does not, and associate them both with Abeid’s party.”

Some men understood while others tried to hide their lingering confusion. Was the President suggesting that his intelligence agencies should encourage rebels and terrorists in their violent pursuits against the Republic?

“When the Islamist nationalists hit, it must be understood that religion has to be banned from the political process, and that my choice to ban it is correct. It must be apparent that our position is challenged by a coherent and effective enemy that threatens the people.”

“But... your honour... these factions... this Ibn Omar is nothing! We can not find a single supporter in all of our searches! They have not the capacity to threaten us politically or militarily!”

Qottar, along with more than a few others, looked scornfully at the young AKKR Party member who had spoken out of turn. Amid Sani Amir eventually responded.

“Precious boy, of course, but how hard can it be to make the people see that Ibn Omar is a man against the Democratic Republic, and that IPP could easily be in his support? The world believed in Al Qaeda, though no such network ever existed, and do you suppose that it was invented for no reason at all? No, somebody stood to gain from it, as shall w... the Republic from this pursuit.”

“We’ll create another enemy and thrash them like we did the Lusakans!” Peeped the naive young Party member.

“Oh, please, we had our arses handed to us by a rabble of towering stoners with machetes!” Said Amir.

Kilwa Kivinje, Al Khals

The coastal town of Kilwa Kivinje lay just a few miles down the Indian Ocean coast from the deeply religious border town of Salahbad near the Rufiji River. It was hot, it had a lot of slums, but it had a fair few tower blocks too and a good view of the oilrigs off shore. It was reckoned that a good third of the oil burned in Southern Africa originated here. It’d have been more were not United Elias heavily involved in the region over the last few years. Now Gabon and the Middle East ate into the once more than 50% share enjoyed by Al Khali oil.
The beach was black as the darkest night in hell, but still rag-wearing African children ran about it, flying kites made of scraps no longer wearable or litter cast-out by the elite, or paddling in the evil waters. Inland one could see business jets rising and descending behind ivory towers thrust into the cloudless sky, and in their shadows lay Portuguese colonial ruins lived-in by glue-sniffing orphans of native African families decimated by Qottar’s sham-republic and western democracies alike. So many nations liked to think that their Frightening economies supported utopian societies, but in reality how many drove their progress with Al Khali oil was another matter all together.

Still, the backlash that would occur today was not born of Al Khals’ centuries-abused native minority. They were too busy growing fruit in the waste of the opulent, the classes able to send sons to Roycelandian, British, American, and United Elian schools. The classes from which the day’s disruption would originate.

“God is great! Death to the traitors!” The young man bellowed with all his hoarse might. Both of his friends were already gone, he alone would ascend, this day.

Al Haqiqa Al Khals

A massive explosion today shook Kilwa Kivinje, destroying the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus in the city centre. The Campus, in which over one hundred and twenty are believed to have perished, was the Al Khali home to multiple international corporations concerned with the oil trade. During the morning, early in rush hour, a security point outside the Campus was hit by several grenades just seconds before a blast consumed the Campus’ main building, trapping dozens behind the resulting inferno. It is believed that radical preacher Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi was behind the attack, which apparently resulted in the death of one of his followers... [story continues, with pictures of bleeding westerners and frantic Al Khalis dashing about below various national flags apparently arranged around the campus.]

News of the attack has been flashed to the Roycelandian Colonial Government in Port Imperial, and already a Travel Advisory Warning is in effect for Al Khals.

Meanwhile, the Imperial Government are offering Aid and Security forces to the Al Khali, whilst the information is slowly processed.

The RBC already have a News Team In-Country, trying to find out what the hell just happened...

Al Haqiqa Al Khals in The Republican Palace of Democracy

The press conference that followed the surprise attack was held at the Republican Palace of Democracy in Tkrat in tight security and under strict supervision. The hope was that relatively few people would actually realise how well managed it was, as it was held just hours after the incident in a small country probably not furnished by most major media organisations with its own correspondents. It was desired to have the obvious questions cleared-up quickly before anyone felt the need to ask more difficult ones.

The Al Khali Information Minister, Taimur bin-Khalifa Al-Thani, explained during the course of the conference his initial understanding of the attack. “Early reports speak of one hundred and fourteen deaths at the Campus including one or more of the attackers. Some eighty-seven of the dead are believed to have been Al Khalis, mostly low-level employees at the facility, especially those working around an internal reception area and at one of the guard houses. Others may include foreign persons working in or around the oil export industry, which accounts for almost ten percent of Al Khals’ gross domestic product.

“Signs indicate a co-ordinated surprise attack, which was well planned and funded. A rocket-propelled grenade is known to have struck a guardhouse in the early moments of the assault, which was followed by a motorcycle riding into the Campus. The vehicle advanced several dozen yards through the complex before... some sources report that a man left the motorcycle, to which was attached a sidecar containing perhaps more than a hundred pounds of modern plastic explosives, the origin of which is yet to be determined. The vehicle crashed into a large reception area before exploding, bringing down part of the first floor. It is suggested that a man... possibly having abandoned the motorcycle... then moved, in the confusion, to the interior of the same building before blowing himself up as confused survivors tried to escape through the damaged reception. It is not clear if he did this by intentional use of a bomb on his person, or if the second explosion was merely that of a hand grenade or similar device.”

The Information Minister went on to speak of the unexpected and professional nature of the bombing, describing it as a surprise attack by an organised force with obviously significant backing. Following an interruption by an unidentified man in an expensive suit, Ibn Khalifa Al-Thani announced that raids had been carried out in connection with the atrocity, apparently centred in the religious heartlands of Salahbad, up the coast from Kilwa Kivinje, and In’Salah on near-by Mafia Island.

Three months earlier

Sani Amir, commandant of the quietly infamous KSU, had to stop his assistant from completing his report. Even the secret police in Al Khals kept meticulous records of just about everything they did, no matter how sensitive. But this was different. This wasn’t a simple matter of extra-judicial execution, ‘interrogation’, or international espionage. This was something that important people actually cared about.

“These are our bravest and most honourable brothers, Abdul, we can not risk exposing them to danger beyond the great amount they have already chosen to face. You have your mission.” Amir said to the last of almost two dozen men who had been processed by the Unit since Qottar spoke, in the same building as the press conference was later held, on the matter of, “our pass to preservation”.

For the next ten weeks, more even, Abdul-Malik bin-Abdul-Haqq al-Haddam, like the rest of those men, sunk himself into the extreme Islamist movement. He already lived in Salahbad, but started attending a new Mosque, one off the beaten path, and started to make the sort of comments that might have earned another man the attention of the KSU. But then, al-Haddam was the KSU. This didn’t earn him immunity from their stalking, but of course when the arrest came, he was confident in being one of the re-released minority.

After his interception by the KSU, and in light of his continued outspoken opinions, al-Haddam was one amongst several of the near two-dozen who found himself “in”. He became the only one whose records, had they been kept, would really have been worth destroying as he set himself up as the son of an oil millionaire, and fed tens of thousands of dollars to the little seven-strong group that later would attack the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus in Kilwa Kivinje.

(Basically a bump, but I'd like to say that if anyone's interested but struggling to understand, my telegram box has plenty of room for questions. Al Khals, by the way, exports a good million barrels of crude per day if you're wondering why the heck your nation might care what goes on here.)

Governor-General's Mansion, Port Imperial, Roycelandian East Africa

The staff at Governor-General Philip J. Fry's mansion knew something was afoot- lots of Important People were in the conference room, smoking cigars, drinking brandy, scotch, bourbon, and, in the case of the teetotalers and persons whos faith prevent the imbibing of alcohol, soft drink and orange juice.

"Gentlemen, and ladies" Governor-General Fry called to the room.

"If you will forgive my forwardness, we must attend to matters at hand with great haste. As you may no doubt be aware, a Terrorist attack has taken place in Al Khals, with the potential to completely disrupt their supply of Crude Oil. As you know, Al Khals depends on Oil Exports to keep their economy afloat. And as you should also know, Roycelandian East Africa makes a shitload of money out of exporting oil from The Sudan.

So, Ladies and Gentlemen, is simple: What, if anything, are we going to do about the situation in Al Khals?"

Via’di’arl, Al Khals

Abdul-Malik bin-Abdul-Haqq al-Haddam boarded the Air Al Khals Tu-134, leaving behind the friendly banter in which he’d been engaged with a colleague. The aircraft was flying to one of the most distant destinations handled by the little national carrier’s old Soviet short-haul jets, but one always of interest to Al Khalis in the oil trade or simply the well to do wishing for a foreign holiday somewhere other than the Republic’s 3rd world neighbours. All of those boarding were well dressed, and their numbers did not come close to the aircraft’s full capacity- most people were still too afraid to travel through Lusakan airspace unless it was of deathly, political, or financial importance that they do so.

“I’ll call you from Khartoum!” He shouted back through the gates.

His colleague was soon away from the airport, driving his heavily laden luxury SUV back into the city. As he neared his destination the man tossed an empty beer bottle from the vehicle and switched off the slightly dated western rock to which he’d been listening before reaching for his car phone.

KSU Capital Command

A young officer sat at his subterranean work station with headphones clasped to his ear, a vast assortment of electronic equipment arrayed before him, and waved frantically for attention from his seniors. “He’s making the call, sir!”

”... to Spear Two, way point reached and items in hand... where is the target?”

“Two? That’s Ibn Amar al-Khal!”
“Shh! Shh!” Hissed the excitable Colonel now attending the young officer’s station.

”You have to stop using those names, Michael.”

“Michael? Our guy’s not ca... ow, sorry, sir.”

”Yes, of course”
“Ah, anyway, the, uh, place, we’ll meet you where you are, pull into the garage on the right.”

Back on the streets of Via’di’arl

Soon al-Khal and two others had met ‘Michael’, and his SUV eventually departed within minutes of two less up-market vans, his vehicle now a good deal lighter.

Within hours of Abdul-Malik bin-Abdul-Haqq al-Haddam’s flight landing in Roycelandian East Africa, Al Haqiqa Al Khals was running reports of a simultaneous bomb blast on the road between AKKR Party HQ and a supermarket, and a rocket attack on the Roycelandian embassy. An explosion of similar force to the one in Kilwa Kivinje had killed two staff working at the Party offices (a cleaner and a security guard- no officials or party members were present) and injured thirteen people in and around the shopping centre. Meanwhile two RPG-7 rocket-propelled grenades had been fired into the Roycelandian embassy compound with yet unknown results. The news reports concluded with images of the van used in the rocket attack, blackened and torn to pieces apparently by the prompt response of Al Khali police forces in the embassy district. One may wonder exactly how a force reputed to be armed primarily with 9mm pistols and 5.45mm sub-machineguns achieved this, but the important thing was that the government was not going to take this terror lying down, and by the way, there were certainly no reports in Al Haqiqa Al Khals of any helicopter gunships loitering in the area before the attacks or the remarkably speedy response.

Khartoum

By this time, al-Haddam was booked into a hotel in the Sudan and was setting to the task of trying to balance his hectic life. Being a holidaying government officer regulating oil exports enjoying the fruits of an illegal-but-what-does-the-Roycelandian-Empire-care Al Khali slush fund on one hand. Being a radical Islamist fundamentalist keen to see his country under Islamic Law and hopeful of finding similar movements here while not being caught on the other. Via’di’arl and the Al Khali consulate to REA would in fact support the former pretence if al-Haddam was challenged (except for the bit about the slush fund of course, but it was often well to cover one true dirty secret with another falsified dirty secret. There was no slush fund, just the half-hidden illusion of one, meant to draw suspicion with regards to what was being covered-up). Al-Haddam was keen to attend any historic and active Mosques and to meet Muslims, including any remaining nomadic or semi-nomadic communities, claiming that the state of his faith across the continent was a casual interest of his.

The Drabikstani secret service agency, the DSB, had began the transfer of light weaponary to the Communist Revolutionary Front of Al Khals (CRFA) months ago. However, at the time, the DSB believed there was little chance the CRFA would ever come into a position of power. Yet another stupid idealogical operation ordered by Drabikstani President Xer Kibard, top DSB officials had secretly thought. However, the president had been motivated by the potential massive oil reserves located in the nation of Al Khals. Drabikstan has been cut off from supplies by the secession of Dnever and Naxivan. Drabikstan was facing a shortage of cheap oil. Assessing the situation on the ground, the DSB estimated the recent unrest in Al Khals could allow the CRFA the opportunity they needed to seize power. That is, if only the islamists could be neutralized...

tag

(OOC: I didn’t really expect that anybody except those in my immediate little region would bother to read all this, and even then only grudgingly :)
Anyway, Drabikstan, I would have preferred it if you’d sent me a telegram or something before creating a new organisation in my nation, but luckily it can be worked into the reality of the situation anyway, so it’s okay in this case. I was reading some of that Dnever intervention thread, and was fairly impressed with the level of detail and background (until other people started throwing in all kinds of super weapons with no regard for the political realities of the situation), so I trust that you’ll be reasonable.)

The Al Khali communist movement was as fragmented today as had been similar initiatives in early C19th Europe, and here restricted almost entirely to the black minority, which by and large rightly felt neglected and even down-trodden by Qottar, Kilany, and the Arab majority. The CRFA boasted little more than a hundred members, but had been more than happy to accept arms and other backing coming to it. While Derek Igomo was in power in the neighbouring United African Republic of Lusaka, black socialist movements in Al Khals had enjoyed a fair degree of unity, and even managed to act almost as local governments in some outlying areas. Since the coup that ended Igomo’s Social Progress Party’s long run in power, Al Khali African nationalists and socialists alike had suffered a crisis of confidence. The Al Khali-Lusakan War had served only to further polarise black and Arab, socialist and conservative. Groups like the CRFA were marginalised and rather corrupted. They lost sway in many areas and kicked back hard in what remained, and now stood as little more than mob rulers of villages, mainly near the less heavily policed border with Mozambique. They would happily mislead foreign agents in order to acquire more aid to further their own agendas. Sometimes they would even turn-over agents to government forces, since it was from time to time better to upset foreigners guilty of covert espionage they could not admit than to continue trying the patience of the national government by trading arms and running protection rackets and the like.

There was certainly no question of them ever taking power from the ninety-odd percent of the population in opposition to such movements, but when meeting foreign contacts they would do their damnedest to create an impression of high hopes and driven ambition.

The far left movements, such as they were, had generally enjoyed the government’s disinterest, but with other issues to tackle, the niggling itch would be best removed. And now there was ample opportunity.

Masasi, Al Khals

“...where earlier today fire consumed the village hall, reputed to have been a meeting place for the CRFA, which is still active from here to the border. It is believed that up to six people may have perished in the fire, believed to have been started deliberately.

“Fingers are already being pointed towards a group calling itself God’s Spear In Al Khals, which just hours ago claimed responsibility for the recent bomb and rocket attacks in Via’di’arl. Information Minister Taimur bin Khalifa Al-Thani has urged calm, saying that, ‘Al Khalis will not panic and allow their nation to succumb to a local wing of some international conspiracy of terror.’”

In the background of news films, locals and security forces milled about near the smouldering remains of a public building, long bent to the purpose of local ex-communist groups. That is, until it was fire-bombed, apparently by, “pervasive extremist Islamist militants opposed to all non-Islamic Law sides of the democratic process, and even ultimately to that process itself” in the words of the Information Minister. One KSU officer on scene failed to conceal a friendly smile as he saw a colleague out of uniform standing amongst a number of young men quietly, if a little brashly admiring their handiwork.

OOC: Just a note to apologise for not posting for the past 4 days- I've been out of town with no internet access.

I'll type up my post after I've found something to eat (probably pizza, since that's all that's open...) and we'll see what happens from there...

Roycelandian Embassy,Via’di’arl, Al Khals

The meeting had been interminably long and had, thus far, failed to acheive anything. Had the Shadow Under-Secretary for Foreign Discussion survived the rocket attack, he might have been glad for the disruption to the otherwise unimaginably dull proceeedings. In fact, at the very moment the rocket blew the Conference Room apart, he was reflecting on how he'd rather spend his time watching a pair of Madgascan Lesser-Spotted Sloth out-stare each other in a slo-mo replay with commentary by David Attenborough.

As matters turned out, the Sloth thing would have been preferable to a messy death at the business end of an RPG-7, but by this stage the Shadow Under-Secretary- and most of the other people in the room, for that matter- were dead, and their involvement in the unfolding events was, for all intents and purposes, over.

The two Imperial Guard on the gate were unable to identify the attackers, not because they were dead, but because they were "otherwise occupied" at the time. As would later be revealed at the Enquiry, one of them was trying to buy Bootleg DVDs from a Mobile Street Vendor, whilst the other was checking a clipboard to see what was next on the Big List Of Things To Do when the rockets hit.

Both had immediately lept into action, but a Lee-Enfield rifle with a 18" bayonet on the end is not the fastest weapon to bring to bear in an urban environment, as anyone who owns or has fired one can attest.

However, the two Guardsmen performed admirably and actually managed to get a few shots off at the attackers before the Al Khali security forces appeared as if from nowhere and finished the attackers off for them.

Damage to the Embassy was quite severe- at least 11 dead, 32 wounded, and the building thoroughly trashed.

Port Royal, Roycelandia

"WHAT?!?" His Imperial Majesty Emperor Royce I exploded at his assorted underlings.

"Well, you see, someone fired rockets at our Embassy, killed some people, and yeah, it's not pretty."

"Get someone on the phone to the Al Khalis and find out what happened. I want answers, dammit!"

No sooner had he spoken, than his Chief Advisor entered with a Communique.

"Your Majesty..."

"Ah, hello, Wiggles! What have you got for us?"

His Majesty's Cheif Advisor sighed audibly. His Majesty had recently decreed that all his trusted advisor should have nicknames, and he had been nicknamed Wiggles. He wasn't happy about it, but there was nothing he could do.

"We have an ID on the perpetrators... a group called The Spear of Allah."

"Deal with them."

Down town Via’di’arl

Gerald McGhinty sat back in the comfortable arm chair of his hotel room and slowly swirled his glass of whiskey. The pale amber liquid momentarily tryign to stay stuck to the side of the glass before falling to join the generous measure in the bottom.

Gerald refleted on his current job as he sat and slowly drank from the glass, in the end it wasn't the most technically precise job he ahd ever carried out but in the end his unknown employer didn't want something with "explosives expert" and "highly organised network" wirtten all over it. The worst part of it was that he hadn't been able to use his favoured eruopean brands of explosives instead havign to make use of cheaper ex soviet gear.

On reflection the desired end results would be acheived and what did he care? his employers, who ever they were, certainly had the cash and had been able to supply the obscure shopping list required to hire his services. they obviously wanted results and had an apparent interest in hiding their capabilities from the authorities.

While Gerald was soemwhat intriged by the convulted measures his employers went to he had given up caring who or what he was working for. Working for a cause had been a source of major problems for him back in what was now Strathdonia and the less you knew the safer you were. Now as long as you had the cash and the ability to supply his requirements, the services of one former Sgt Mjr Gerald McGhinty of the Rhodessian enginering corps were yours.

Looking at his watch he noted that it was finally time. Picking up his mobile phone he dialed a number and after 10 rings set the phone down and walked to the window taking in the veiw of the city.

Across the city things suddenly began to move into montion. Geralds telephone call had been to an abandoned mobile with a bluetooth signal booster. On receiving the call the phone activated it's 10 connected bluetooth devices causing the detoantion of a series of large bombs within the compound of a major oil company HQ. Within the carpacks both, internal and external, a number of devices(each cosnsiting of a oil d um full of jellifeid desial with an explosive tube in the middile) errutped creating great plumes of flame and smoke that rushed through the under groudn carparks like walls of death and outside created huge mushroom clouds. Else where a series of demolition carges smashed thier way through important structural sections of the biudling ripping the fascia off the out side of the biudling but leaving most of the biudling in tact but very much structurally unsound.

Republican Central Command, Via’di’arl

All was confusion at the centre of the Democratic Republic as the political and military elite fell over one another in an attempt to find out whether anybody knew that was about to happen. Nobody did, although some wondered whether everybody else knew but them. So much smoke and so many mirrors that the illusionists no longer fully trusted one another to be what they seemed.
“Amir!” Screamed the Defence Minister, “Sani!” He said, following with a quizzical gaze to which Amid Sani Amir held up his hands and shook his head.
“Well who?”
“Maybe the Royce? Maybe they suppose Al Khali oil to be funding the terrorism now turning its attention to them? Maybe they just want to take a chance to knock-down our share of the export market.”
“Maybe the damn...” Defence Minister Fariq Asim Abdelal flapped his slightly droopy lower lip as he searched for the acronym CRFA, finally settling instead for, “...Lusakans! They wouldn’t even need another reason.”
Near by, a junior officer tasked mainly with gopher duties puzzled as her superiors discussed possible culprits for the attack without ever once mentioning God’s Spear In Al Khals.

The city streets

The rapid response to the latest attacks was remarkably out of proportion with earlier instances. The Republican Army and even the Republican Guard’s Habob Division came out onto the streets in force across Al Khals as swarms of investigators descended upon the scenes of the latest attacks. Al Haqiqa Al Khals was by contrast that much slower to report on casualties or even to venture a guess at what had happened.

Agent Edward M'obil was still trying to fathom his amazingly short brief.

Standing by his LandRover in Al Khals, he opened the sealed Envelope.

ID SPEAR OF ALLAH AND ESTABLISH INVOLVEMENT IN ROCKET ATTACK ON EMBASSY. ELIMINATE THOSE RESPONSIBLE. END.

Edward sighed. He had no idea where to begin. He did know that the CEO of ImPetroCo was meeting with His Majesty that evening to suggest Roycelandia increase Oil Production from The Sudan to keep prices low.

His Majesty, however, was concerned that the increased production of Roycelandian Oil would cause the Al Khalis to lose revenue, which would hurt trade and relations with the small but wealth Arab Nation.

In the meantime, the Colonial Government in Port Imperial had send the Al Khalis a formal request for information on the rocket attacks on the Roycelandian Embassy.

OOC:
just a quick appology for the many typos and errors in my last post and i hope it doesn't stir thigns up too much or take a direction you aren't really hot on.

Via’di’arl responded to Roycelandian requests for information by creating a fairly detailed account of the rocket attack as it was apparently seen by eyewitnesses, unidentified for their own safety. It was quite a wordy article, often going on about the weather conditions or talking about physical aspects of the very ordinary van before it was destroyed. Apparently, a small number of men were directly involved and later killed by Al Khali security forces, and a phone call had shortly after claimed responsibility over the incident for the Spear group. The document states that no recording exists of the call, which was made to the front desk at the Information Ministry. It does claim that the speaker briefly explained that God’s Spear would not spare foreign infidels on Al Khali soil any more than it would tolerate the subjection of God’s word to debate or interpretation by men.

Information Minister Taimur bin Khalifa Al-Thani has given a speech in which this call is referenced, though he did not publicly place it in the context of the embassy attack. He appears to have interpreted it as a statement of opposition to the Al Khali democratic process, and he claimed in the address that the attacks were now apparently the work of an organised force for absolute Islamic law in Al Khals.

“These fanatics” he said, “believe that their interpretation of the Koran provides an absolute manifesto for the governance of a society, and as such wish to stifle democratic debate because the word of God is straight forward and final. It now appears that they are prepared to attack anybody, anywhere, if they believe that their victims may have contributed to this democratic process. Since it is seen as a western means of governance, we are assuming that the attack on the Roycelandian embassy was a general blow against the western source of our democratic idea.”

Al-Thani promised that the KSU would continue to seek-out the Spear network until its head was cut-off and the extremist threat to the Democratic Republic was subdued.

In Tkrat’s Palace of Democracy, President Qottar and some of his closest aides and associates met to discuss the progress of the story of extremism in Al Khals.

“We have absolutely confirmed that the last round of bombings at oil concerns in the capital was an extra-agency operation from bottom to top. Somebody else is providing funds to somebody.” Said KSU Commandant Amid Sani Amir.
“Good.” Replied the increasingly over-fed and just slightly greying President. “We need deniability in figureheads for the big-guns to hate. We’ve got a good thing going, if these guys go rogue and attack the west while we’re suffering and fighting the Spear we’ll only attract new friends and favours to the bargain!”

A few lips were nervously bitten amongst the assembly, but everybody managed and outward expression of conformity and satisfaction.

Via’di’arl train station

Gerald was passing the time till the next train south by having a quiet coffee in the station cafe, he would have preffered a decent scotch but the locals weren't too keen on public drinking.
His senses were constantly on alert, he never felt terribly comfortable anywhere near the location of any of jobs, you never knew what silly little speck you might have left behind that might be picked up by a lucky forensics officer. Feeling a slight tingle of aprehension he was releived when his phone began to emit it's unremarkable ringtone.

"Hello?"

"Ah hello, I really must congratulate you on a job well done Mr McGhinty. Your work was, shall i say, most impressive." Replied a distorted voice.

"Good to hear from you Sambo, but what can i say? The project was merely on time and within specifications." Gerald informed the contact with his employers, maintaining the appearance of a mid level businessman, a role that he veiwed as being not too far away from what he did. It was just that his projects tended towards the explosive side in thier outcome.

"Ah so modest you are, it truely does you credit. Anyway I am merely phoning to remind you that you are contracted for another 2 projects." continued the voice in an almsot freindly manner.

Gerald frowned, he hated any kind of interferance you merely gave him the job and left him to it.

"Yes i am fully aware of my contract and i can asure you that the intial steps of the other projects are underway, i'll have a breifing for you very soon."

"Very good Mr McGhinty you have our fullest confidence and now i must bid you farewell." with a click the contact dropped the conection and Gerald muttered under his breath in much the same way any employee would after the boss had begun sticking his nose in.

Shortly his train was called and he left to begin his journey to the next objective.


OOC:
My knowledge of Al Khals geography isn't that good so i'm not entirely sure whats south of the capitol, likely some oil infrastructure or perhpas the Simba border...
Oh and i'm sorry if i'm making assumptions about Via’di’arl having a train station and that the islamic attitude towards alcohol in Al Khals (i could just change it to the fact the station simply doesn't have a bar).

A Largish Country Estate, Somewhere in Rural Roycelandia

"So, as you can see, Gentlemen, we're still no closer to working out what the hell is going on than we were a few days ago", explained Sir Duane Dibley, the Duke of Dorque, and also the head of the ultra-secret Imperial Intelligence Service.

"The problem, Gentlemen, is that Roycelandia's way of dealing with Unpleasant Events In Foreign Countries tends to be somewhat predictable:

1. Send in the Imperial Foreign Legion or Imperial Special Air Service to "remove" any identifiable threats to Roycelandian Interest, or.

2. Find, Arm, and Train a Rebel or Dissident group in the country, and, when they finally take over the country in question, maintain them as a puppet government, or

3. Send in the Imperial Guard, annex the country, and ruthlessly crush all opposition.

As you can see, none of these approaches are really right for the situation at hand. Al Khals is a Friendly Government which we have no intention of invading, covertly or overtly. Even if there was a rebel group to arm, we wouldn't do so in this case. In fact, we'd be using the Imperial Guard to crush the Rebels, such is our relationship with Al Khals. Finally, we can't eliminate the Spear of Allah because we don't know who they are. This means we need a new way of dealing with the problem." Sir Duane took a drag from his cigar and sat back in his Big Comfy Leather Chair. "Gentlemen?"

"We could..." began a man in Air Force Uniform.

"If we can't send in the Imperial Guard, we can't carpet bomb the country, either" Sir Duane cut him off before he could finish.

"Oh." the Air Force officer looked crestfallen.

"And we're not going to be using Dreadnoughts to search every ship coming into or leaving Al Khals, either" Sir Duane said before a woman in a Naval uniform could interrupt him.

"No, the plan is simple. We're going to crank up our Petroleum production from The Sudan. I want a unit of Colonial Guard protecting every single one of our installations in REA. This should put the squeeze on the Al Khalis, and eventually the Spear of Allah will have to make a move internationally to secure funding. Then we shall be strike. They'll be very sorry they messed with the Roycelandian Empire...

OOC: Here's the best map that presently exists in depiction of Al Khali cities and provinces. It is, you'll notice, a little out of date, calling Simba Mozambique and Strathdonia R&N (Rhodesia and Nyasaland).

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v148/Chivtv/NS1/AlKhalsmap.jpg

Al Khali infrastructure is reasonably good, especially in and directly between marked towns and cities, the oil industry's hubs, and military facilities.
Throughout most of the Democratic Republic, again especially so in most towns and the capital, attitudes are increasingly western and alcohol is perfectly legal. There are restrictions, however, with drinking being frowned upon or sometimes outright banned on religious holidays. Towns such as Salahbad and In'Salah and to a lesser degree Khalsabad have precious few legally licenced outlets, and there is often strong civilian condemnation and resentment of behaviour thought to run contrary to the Qur'an and increasingly even to perceived western attitudes.

The government is, of course, secular, though most of its members are moderate or flatly none-practicing Muslims, but the rising tide of public opinion is increasingly somewhat contrary to that position. If you stagger around shirtless with a bottle of vodka, whistling at women, the police might be too lazy to do anything, but there's always a chance of an old woman throwing a rock at you or some youth scrawling angry graffiti on your apartment. In contrast, you're more likely to acquire a KSU tail by acting with too much piety.

I shall be back when I've completed another IC post.

Via’di’arl

McGhinty had been cast a few cool glances in the station as a couple of Al Khalis passed comment on how disappointed the foreigner looked on seeing the bar closed in anticipation of the call to prayer. Once on the train, however, the drinks trolley would not be long in passing, and stocked with Oryx Kick, Al Khals’ cheap domestic beer, as well as with a few more up market bottled spirit offerings imported from Strathdonia and Roycelandian East Africa.
At one point the rattling trolley, steered by a young lady uniformed in sufficiently little to get her spat upon on the east coast, rolled to a halt one seat ahead of Gerald, and a beret-wearing man toting an AKSU-74 approached down the isle facing the Strathdonian. He stopped to requisition a bottle of cola before turning and heading back to settle at the door of the VIP carriage ahead.

Sudan, Roycelandian East Africa

Abdul-Malik bin-Abdul-Haqq al-Haddam picked at a bit of lint on his traditional Al Khali robes, chewing gun to mask the morning’s beers as he walked. The expensive suit in which he’d spent the day’s first sunny hours was already in the hands of the luxury hotel’s cleaning staff and the flashy rented car was drawn up a few hundred yards away as he looked for the described meeting point. “Abdul-Malik, you’re actually doing all right for yourself.” He thought as the robes, sandals, and this infernal beard brought back memories of his working class father and of his own less than comfortable youth.

Before very fairly good-looking long the Al Khali thirty-something was introducing himself to a local chief of some ill repute. “Ihab bin-Fadil al-Belhadj, it is an honour to finally meet you, the righteous man who dared strike at the Spirit of Africa.”

al-Haddam was deliberately brash in diving straight into addressing the issue of Akhmed Fu’qari’s reputed involvement in the mentioned attack, he wanted to leave the locals in no doubt of his sincerity and forcefulness. He was here to talk about holy war and no mistake nor allowance for sensitivity.

“My father, Fadil al-Belhadj, is a very wealthy man in Al Khali oil, with interests at the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus, which is exactly what allowed our associates to strike there, and is also what brings me here. We can do the same for you and for the Sudanese cause. For independence and proper Islamic law in this Roycelandian-corrupted land of your own. If you can provide the men, the warriors, the martyrs, and the targets, we can provide the money. There are a hundred and fifty thousand Imperial Wibbles in my car as proof of our sincerity.” He said, gesturing back up the dusty road and trying to keep a straight face as he mentioned the local currency.

OOC: Judging only by telegrams of the other week, I hope that you shan’t think, Roycelandia, that I’ve taken too many liberties here, staging a meeting with one of your characters in your land... and encouraging him to blow up part of it according to his choosing :)

A Small Camp somewhere near Wadi Halfa, The Sudan

Akhmed Fu’qari’s eyes lit up imperceptibly at the mention of funding and support.

"It is always a pleasure to be in the company of a True Believer. These infernal Roycelandians do not beleive in Allah- or any other Higher Power, for that matter. I am only a servant of Allah, doing his bidding by bringing Islam back to The Sudan."

He poured some Tea from a small pot.

"May I offer you some refreshments?" he asked. "It would be most remiss of me not to offer you some refreshments after such a long journey. We have Tea, Coffee, Dates, cold cuts, and soft drinks. It is too early for us to discuss matters of business, for the sun has not yet sunk over the horizon."

Fu'qari bowed slightly to his guest.

"I must ask for you to excuse me for a moment- it is time for my Evening Prayer, which I prefer to take alone. There is a small tent on the far side of the camp for guests to take their prayers in. The mats have been aligned with Mecca, but there is also a compass in there, should you wish to be certain. Dinner will be served around nine o'clock, and we can discuss business over that."

However, unbeknownst to al-Haddam, Fu'qari was actually making some phone calls over an encrypted Digital Satellite Phone, talking to people who knew some people, who could identify al-Haddam. He would certainly have an answer by dinnertime...

OOC: On the contrary, I'm really happy you've decided to use Fu'qari... it's nice to see some of the characters being given a new lease on life! I was hoping to bring Fu'qari into this somehow, but I wasn't quite sure how to do it. I'll be interested to see what al-Haddam has planned...

As a member of the KSU, al-Haddam’s life was a secretive affair. His obscure working class family knew that he worked for the government, but believed it to be low-level pen-pushing pertaining to the domestic security of Al Khali oil concerns. They were fairly pleased that his education, for which they’d worked so hard, landed him at least a fairly steady job. The government would back “Ihab bin-Fadil al-Belhadj” in his claim to being the son of Fadil al-Belhadj, who was a successful oil man in Al Khals. Apparently.

Fadil was in truth Saddam al-Tall, an ex-KSU agent himself, recalled from retirement to play an independently wealthy businessman who’d recently hit the big-time after buying into a small oil company that came good. He had all the appearance of being what was claimed, though in truth his company was funded and run by the government, and was just an offshoot of the state energy concern. al-Tall was financially set for the future thanks to his KSU work, but his multimillionaire status as Fadil al-Belhadj was an illusion staged by the Al Khali state. Had Fadil al-Belhadji been a real man’s true identity, any son of his would certainly have been heir to a considerable fortune, as this Ihab bin-Fadil al-Belhadj claimed. In truth al-Tall had no son, having spent much of his life under-cover and over seas and having divorced his one time wife years ago. She was now living in some slum in Al Khals if she was alive at all. al-Tall now went about life pretending to be Fadil al-Belhadj, staying in a big house at the state’s expense and being driven about by another KSU agent posing as his chauffeur. As al-Tall he wasn’t exactly internationally famous, but he kept a moderately high profile so that anybody checking into “Ihab bin-Fadil al-Belhadj” would be able to find the man supposed to be his father, and see that he was the wealthy man he was supposed to be.

It would prove hard to identify al-Tall as having KSU links as he’d never been a public figure within the agency and had spent most of his time abroad under different false identities, usually watching over Derek Igomo’s government, from Zanzibar. His current identity, that of Fadil al-Belhadj, had him living an uneventful and solitary life in the bad parts of various Al Khali towns before making a few lucky investments and clawing his way to the top of a small oil firm. Such an obscure person as he was supposed to have been in his youth would be hard to pin down in the Republic, which didn’t have much time for its poor.

Abdul-Malik bin-Abdul-Haqq al-Haddam as a current KSU agent lived as secretively as al-Tall used to, though he spent more time in the Republic, pretending to be that pen-pusher his family believed in. As Ihab bin-Fadil al-Belhadj he was supposed to have lived in poor districts with his fictional father, Fadil al-Belhadj, until daddy got to the top of his firm and steered it to recent success. Ihab had few friends who could identify him, because his father kept moving in pursuit of new schemes to drag them out of the gutter, and his mother was a grave in a southern village, filled by a homeless woman that nobody really knew. He was supposed to have been unemployed until his dad made it big and gave him a job at the firm, which is what brought him to Roycelandian East Africa. Well, he told Fu’qari that the oil company brought him here on the pretence of buying equipment for oil exploration, and that really he was here because his father wanted to help his oppressed brothers to fight for Islamic rule in their own nation, much as many Al Khalis were doing in theirs. He did actually make appointments to see Roycelandian companies involved in making such equipment, and he had government money to buy some for his father’s company (which we’ll remember is actually a puppet of the state’s oil company). If Fu’quari’s men checked, they would see that this al-Belhadj had been to see these companies, and he would tell them that he’d done it to fool the authorities as to the real purpose of his visit- meeting Fu’qari.

In his car was the money he claimed, and al-Belhadj took his opportunity to pray, though as al-Haddam he probably wouldn't have bothered were he not under cover.

Assuming that his cover was still good come the evening, the Al Khali would continue to speak of the struggle in his corrupted home nation, and to express on behalf of himself and his supposed father their sympathy with a similar struggle in Sudan. The al-Belhadj dynasty was apparently keen to see all Arab nations ruled independently by governments practicing Islamic law, and while they fought in Al Khals they wanted to know that men like Fu'qari were fighting in their own nations. He would even speak of Sudan's vast, sparsely populated land as the perfect place to site training facilities to allow Islamists to come from places like Al Khals -which were small and offered few places to train without being seen by the authorities- in order to practice their skills before going home. Men like his father, he said, would feel a lot better about funding soldiers who knew what they were doing than funding thugs who may not make good use.

Fu'qari was pleased with the results of his enquiries. Of course, further checks needed to be done, but for now the visitor could be trusted.

After the pleasantries of the evening meal, it was time for Coffee and Tobacco.

"I have asked Allah for Guidance" Fu'qari explained to al-Haddam. He paused.

"Allah has instructed me to aid you as best we can. You must understand that the Roycelandians"- he spat into a corner away from the food as he said this- "are looking for us, so we have to keep a low profile. Still, we will aid you in whatever way we can."

What al-Haddam didn't know was that Fu'qari actually had an abandoned military base under his command, complete with two Gloster Gladiator Biplane Fighters that had been left in the desert by the Roycelandians after WWII. They also had a brace of Saladin Armoured Cars, and even a Sherman Tank. The rest of their rag-tag army was carrying Mauser 98Ks, SMLE Mk IIIs, and other assorted small arms. They were no serious threat to the Roycelandians, but they were a nuisance, and occaisonally managed to make a serious statement- such as the attack on the Spirit of Africa...

OOC: cheers for clearing that up. Would i be correct in assuming that Khalsabad has soem sort of oil infrastructure? Again if I am am making too many assumptions just shout.

IC:
Khalsabad, Southern Al Khals

Gerald enjoyed the cool of the morning as he jogged along a trial in the hills above the city, despite recently entering his 40s he still took great pride in remaining very fit for his age. Commign to to a small look out point above some cliffs he slowed and stopped, taking in the view as he fumbled in his backpack to find his digital camera and bird book.

Settleing down pointed towards a small copse of trees he looked for all the world like an average twitcher on holiday from the west, but if one happened to to be able view the images stored on the camera's memory cards then it might strike one as beign strange that a number of the pictures were not of the local bird life but of the petrochemical plant lcoated in the valley below the trees...

Ihab bin-Fadil al-Belhadj, AKA Abdul-Malik bin-Abdul-Haqq al-Haddam, remained polite during his time with the Sudanese Arabs. He was keen to learn whether this Fu’qari was planning any new, “operations” against the Roycelandians, and asked, now that they were better acquainted, if he might return to his car in order to retrieve his briefcase, which –considering its contents- he preferred not to leave unattended for long. Evidently he, or his father Fadil al-Belhadj, was prepared to finance any operation planned by Fu’qari and carried out by his supporters.

Back in Al Khals, remarkably similar scenes were playing out in the religious heartland of the north-east and the sparsely populated south not far from Khalsabad, as well-to-do businessmen met radical clerics and extreme members –or often expelled ex-members- of the opposition Islamic Progress Party. They too found wealthy men to whom they could turn for funding if they presented ambitious terror plans in their quest to bring-down the western corruption of the AKKR party and institute Islamic law.

From time to time, these men were reported to the authorities when they misjudged the individuals who they chose to approach. Some of the unrelated parties they approached, though devout Muslims, had absolutely no interest in attacking anybody so long as Qottar and Kilany left them to their worship, and called the police or approached government officers to alert them to corrupt businessmen. These men –the informers, not the businessmen- were soon arrested, officially accused of involvement in extremism or membership of the God’s Spear organisation, and the businessmen continued their works. Their correspondence with legal representation and even their families was closely monitored and censored by the KSU, which cited interests of national security.

It was not long before another car bomb exploded, this time in Salahbad on the coast near the Lusakan border, causing several injuries. It was reported on Al Haqiqa Al Khals as, "the work of extreme Islamists believed to have links to God's Spear."

The investigation into the attacks carried out –unbeknownst to even the KSU- by the Strathdonian parties continued with more genuine effort, but as yet was yielding few leads, and it appeared as if Via’di’arl would be content to pass it off as more of the same extremism.

I'll definately need to give this some attention, so TAG!

The Sudan

With the main meal completed and the women having served refreshments, Fu'qari said he was more than happy for his guest to retrieve his briefcase from his car, and would be more than happy to send one of his trusted staff to retrieve it, so that the honoured guest would not be inconvenienced by having to step into the desert of an evening.

On the subject of strikes against the Roycelandians, Fu'qari confessed they had been up against a brick wall, so to speak.

"The Infidel Dogs do not maintain much of strategic importance here, alas, and they enjoy a great deal of support amongst the residents of this land. It would appear that their Atheist tendencies are infectious, for there are fewer and fewer of The Faithful heeding the call to Struggle For The Faith."

OOC: I'm using that translation, as opposed to simply the word Jihad, because Jihad has somewhat negative connotations involving hordes of Tuareg on horseback with Scimitars and WWI rifles riding across the desert and killing all the Infidel they come across. Whilst Fu'qari is anti-Roycelandian, and quite possibly psychotic, he is also very astute and knows where to target his attacks. al-Haddam might, however, be of the opinion that Fu'qari is basically a warlord in a part of The Sudan with little population and less of strategic interest to anyone. He also wouldn't be wrong in that assessment, but there is potential there.

IC: Fu'qari sipped some cold tea, before continuing. "We had hoped to rob that symbol of Imperialist Decadence, the Spirit of Africa train. Alas, it is well guarded, and such an attack would acheive little but send brave men to Allah ahead of their time. However, if you or your backers have any ideas, I am all ears."

It would not be long before al-Haddam's shortness of ideas became evident. In truth he knew precious little about Roycelandian East Africa in tactical or strategic terms. He'd just been sent in hopes of finding bubbling Islamist extremism ready to lash out if only it had the cash.

Still, in the long term, he would remain in the Roycelandian territory, a collegue returning to Al Khals in his name, on false documents... produced by the Al Khali Foreign Office source of genuine documentation. al-Haddam would from here in lay low, going usually by the name al-Haddam alone, and asked the hospitality of Fu'qari. He did not mind where he stayed, so long as it was not in plain government view, intending to float around in the hard-line Muslim community with cash in hand, hoping to be approached by some angry young men with more ideas than resources.

Back in Al Khals, state media and other outlets part-owned by certain bigshots linked to President Qottar ran with further stories about God's Spear in Al Khals, and persisted -despite an absolute lack of evidence- in idle referencing of God's Spear as an international network poised to strike anywhere at any moment. Voting AKKR was probably the only way to stop this, as the gunship response to rocket attacks on the Roycelandian embassy well demonstrated the ruling party's resolve.

Fu'qari points out that, as a Muslim, he is obligated to provide hospitality to travellers and strangers whenever he can. Al-Haddam can remain with Fu'qari as long as he likes, but suggests he learns more about REA.

A large travel guide to the region appears on Al-Haddam's bedroll the next morning...

Al Haqiqa Al Khals
Latest blast targets purely civilian element, many dead

The blast was heard across the border in the United African Republic of Lusaka, and smoke seen for miles around after a bomb detonated in the city of Njombe, a Republican strong-hold in Iringa Province, not far from President Qottar's childhood home and the Palace of Democracy at Tkrat on the shores of Great Lake Nyasa. The explosion apparently occurred near the city's bus station, leaving many casualties suffering from the effects of flying glass shards as station and coach windows were blown in. Others became trapped inside the station, atop which sits a multi-story car park, as smoke filled the enclosed vacinity. Emergency and security services struggled to react in the face of serious congestion and widespread panic, with many Al Khalis initially believing their city under air or artillery attack by Lusakan forces poised across the border.

Later reports indicated that far from being the work of the Army of Lusaka, the attack was carried-out by the group God's Spear in Al Khals; which was blamed for a daring motorcycle bomb raid, and a rocket attack on the Roycelandian embassy. Information Minister Taimur bin Khalifa Al-Thani warned only recently of intelligence indicating a build-up in God's Spear's ranks and had also spoken of none-descript information that suggested organisational links to violent Islamist movements in Roycelandian East Africa, where the government has accused Al Khali God's Spear activists of going to train in temporary desert camps and of trying to co-ordinate, "internationalisation of the God's Spear movement" which some now warn is more likely than ever to target the Middle East itself, in light of continued reconciliation with Israel on behalf of governments such as Baghdad's and Via'di'arl's, and of serious unrest in the south of the Arabian peninsula.

God's Spear in Al Khals is said to be headed by one Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi [AKA Spear One, out of date photographs given on Al Haqiqa], with lieutenants including Bilal bin Amr al-Khal [AKA Spear Two, no image provided], and its aim is reputed to be the over-throw of President Qottar and his elected ministers and the establishment of Islamic law in Al Khals. The Information Ministry speculates that God's Spear is a wider organisation with similar intentions for the Sudan and most of the Middle East, and that Al Khals is merely unfortunate in being seen as a relatively small and isolated target to use as a starting point for what will become an international war on democracy in perceived Muslim home nations.

OOC:
sorry for the lack of replies, this next bit actually took quite a lot of thinking about although it likely doesn't appear that way, attakcing a petrochemical plant isn't easy and i had to discard numerous plans involving pipeline inspection robots packed with explosivives, pumping FAE gas thought sewer pipes and all sorts of other weird ideas...
Still no idea who McGhinty's employers are or what they might want bar chaos so feel free to help me develope them. I'm thinking along the lines of organised crime with links perhaps to an insider in your intel services...

IC:
Khalsabad, Southern Al Khals
McGhinty's plan was in essence pretty simple but had required calling on his employer's contacts for some local muscle and a fair degree of time to assemble safely. Unfortunatly the blast in Al Haqiqa would detract some of impact from his attack but he couldn't delay thigns any more he had to carry through now or risk losing his opertunity or beign discovered.

Once again sitting in his bird watching postion he scanned his binoculars over the streets close to the refinary, risking a breif grin of satisfaction has he took note of the 3 work crews leaving thier power company excavations for lunch, each leavign behind a van with pipes loaded in the rear poitnign diagonally upwards against the rear of the cab.

Ten minutes later he carefully made a breif phone call on a mobile phone (another one!) and after chatting breifly to the ring tone hung up.

Down in the streets the first van suddenly erupted into smoke and flame as the makeshift mortars concealed in the pipes fired, hruling adapted RPG rounds over the perimiter of the refianry and onto and aroudn the control centre. Simultainously the other 2 vans also exploded throwing more rounds in to the refianry this time aimed a tthe storage and processign sections.
most of the muntions were basic HE and HEAt charges but a few were flame rockets adapted from soviet RPO laucnhers addign even more chaos to the injured plant, out of 30 tubes fired about 5 roudns went compeltely off target landing in the district sourounding the refianry.
As a the last roudns left the tubes each van erupted in a sheet of flame as the fuel based explosives within thier chassis detoanted. Finally a cartering carge left in each hole dug by the supposed power company workers threw large lumps of concrete and dirt in the air as they severed each road and all the cables and pipe lines underneath.

OOC:
again maybe a bit much, the mortar van was a favourite IRA tactic in the 80s but is perhaps a bit uncommon in africa, the plans also relies on McGhinty's employers being able to get work permeits and work orders for work on under ground power lines (perhaps they own the power company).
Also the large number of people involved woudl be an issue, McGhinty likely was deliberate in avoiding killign them in the blasts but i feel the "Employers" might do a little bit of cleaning up behind them...

tag

[Nb. This is a repost from Winds of Change... I have been absent a lot, I know, and so the time references are very much out of whack, now. Most of this is weeks and months in the past, not this week and such. I'll follow up quickly with another post on what's actually happening now. I could have sworn that I already reposted this here, but I don't see it! Am I insane?]

Via'di'arl
Some weeks earlier...

"I am telling you this is so. My father's preachings... to friends only, so far, have taken a turn. He worked so hard to plan the motorcycle attack, he was sure it would awaken the people... and when we did the Royce embassy he thought that people were joining as planned... those other blasts down at Khalsabad got him really excited. He was rushing around like a man possessed, raving about the revolution like the mad old fool he is."

"Yes, we still have no leads on those [the Khalsabad bombings], by the way."

"Maybe a nuthouse overheard his speeches... I don't care. He's changing scope, I'm telling you. When it got quiet, he lost his wild shine. He's been talking about how the people have abandoned the cause... God... corrupted like the rest of us... because they haven't 'continued' rising-up. Then last week, up in Njombe... his first strike, in Kilwa Kivinje, was against the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus, something obviously connected to the 'corrupt' democratic government. We did the Roik thing and God knows who attacked our oil, but it wasn't him."

"So?" Amid Sani Amir bit into an apple as he grunted, obviously a little distant from Adil bin-Dhul-Fiqar al-Gharndi's words.

"So Njombe was targetted against a freaking bus station at rush hour! I'm telling you, my... the old man's turned on everyone, everyone! They're all guilty for losing interest in the revolution. That's what I'm saying to you, he's been ranting about how changing governments all the time, drinking, jetting abroad, chasing money and women... God knows, everything he can think of... he's ranting against it all, saying it's given people short attention spans, made them forget they're Muslims. Everyone's a target."

Amir grunted, again. He didn't want to get up and tell anyone about this, open a new branch of this or write a report on that, he was tired. "Everyone? What can he do, kill everyone outside God's Spear?"

A long silence followed in which Adil's expression did not fill Sani with confidence. "Oh, God! You're serious?..."

As the realisation dawned, a familiar figure filled the doorway, prompting Amir to leap from his slouch and snap a salute while bin-Dhul-Fiqar stood to respectful attention.

"It sounds like we have something, Amid."

"Sir? Yes, sir..." Sani replied with an almost disbelieving sideways glance towards al-Gharndi.


Masasi, southern Al Khals
Earlier this week...

Daniel Mtango made that clucking sound appropriate to somebody reading a newspaper article on the growing troubles across the border.

"Trouble brewing in Simba, eh?" Said his friend, who has just arrived at the newspaper stand.

"Hey, man. Yeah, I wonder..."

He was cut-off by a scream as half the people on the street reacted to the tossing of a grenade into their midst, dashing to what they took to be the most obvious cover. Their horror was increased and then brutally silenced by an AKSU-74 in the hands of a second individual who had pre-supposed their escape-route.

The pair fled, leaving four dead and seven seriously hurt. The local police were -by a cruel irony- across town in a mandatory briefing on the threat posed by God's Spear In Al Khals, and the men -according to Al Haqiqa Al Khals' remarkably speedy report- escaped towards the southern border and the chaos of Simba.

Via'di'arl
Today...

"...extremists who have turned their fury on the people of Al Khals, insisting that a vote for anyone but the Islamic [Progress] party has always been a waste, and that now, for some reason, all must be punished for simply taking part in the democratic process... punished by acts such as the tragic slaughters in Njombe and just days ago in Masasi, by attacks against our national economy as at Khalsabad and the Omar Qottar Commerce Campus, and attacks against our elected government's friends the Roycelandians and God only knows who next."

Prime Minister Kilany spoke to a vast crowd of Al Khals Kadira Republic supporters gathered in the capital to demonstrate the people's disapproval of actions taken by God's Spear. Then an explosion erupted in the middle of the crowd, making sure that the vast majority of Al Khalis waved-off their troops with passionate enthusiasm as they deployed to the southern border or swept into identified God's Spear hotspots that happened to be Islamic Progress Party strongholds...

Southern Al Khals

The rattle of heavy machinegun fire drifted in from the distance as another target gave more cause for the application of force than had this school building, which was being raided by the KSU citing allegations of Islamic Progress Party ralleys here praising recent terror attacks in Al Khals.

Across the region, scores of raids went on over a period of just a few days as Via'di'arl launched a repost against those it identified as being responsible for the death of a dozen AKKR supporters in the capital, killed in a blast reputed to have aimed for Prime Minister Kilany's own life. It was the biggest military operation undertaken by Al Jumhuriyah Al Khals Dimuqratiyah since the war with Lusaka.

Via'di'arl

President Omar Qottar arrived aboard a private helicopter, coming from Tkrat after a frank meeting with those in the know. What these people knew was half the story behind the wave of terror gripping Al Khals. They, like the President, knew that the term God's Spear was one invented by the Jumhuriyah and pinned to a group of radical Islamic thinkers. They knew who had designed the rocket attack on the Roycelandian embassy, who had provided the arms to carry it out, and how the authorities had responded so quickly. They knew also how the bodies of the attackers had been identified as radical Islamists despite being rather mysteriously too badly damaged to, well, identify them. They even knew where the attackers now lived and how much their villas cost, and how audacious and arrogant it was that they knew said villas to be in the Roycelandian Caribbean.

They knew who was behind later attacks on shopping malls, bus stations, and government buildings, and usually they had known who actually carried them out and how they managed to acquire and learn to operate their weapons without being caught, and certainly they knew who had groomed the young men into carrying out their bloody and sometimes suicidal attacks, even though the young men themselves were ignorant.

They didn't know who was wrecking their oil production facilities, and they didn't yet realise that they'd rather stupidly awakened a lion's pride that slept within more Al Khalis than just the few roaring radicals they'd initially tried to train with a whip and a footstool.

Qottar now sat at Republican Central Command to deliver a speech to the people of Al Khals, telling them of the government's unhappy decision following the arrest on terror offences of its leader Amal Abeid to outlaw the Islamic Progress Party and to ban similar religiously motivated parties from running for office, and also to make new laws governing what a ruling party could and could not do. In many ways, this officially limited the ruling party's power to change the system, making it impossible for fundamentalists to outlaw republican systems and likewise making communist or anarchist movements essentially illegitimate as challengers to the governmental power. However, it did essentially put a lot of new powers with the President after taking them away from his Prime Minister.

The next few days saw Qottar and Kilany ranting on the obvious justification for these measures as a backlash saw many violent attacks and an even greater number of arrests: the republic's men-in-the-know swooping in on its own contacts in what it erroneously called an organised terrorist army to score points by taking action so soon after the threat -by its own design- became the biggest news story in the land.

It was the perfect means by which Qottar could further extend and revitalise his twenty year hold on power, and the conspiracy was entirely within his control. Well, besides those few oil-industry bombings, but it was probably just a matter of time before that lose end tripped itself up, he assumed.

...except that he was sadly mistaken.

What Qottar's conspirators -the secular modern conservative capitalist agenda dominant in Al Khals since the 1980s and now holding 161 of 175 active parliamentary seats after outlawing the leading opposition party, leaving 24 seats without official representation- had failed to anticipate was a Christian European assault on the North African Muslim world. This had begun months after the Al Khali conspiracy swung into action, and for a time had been embraced by the conspirators, who planted in radical Al Khali circles the idea of revolution across the Islamic world, and -through tight-lipped middle-men- provided its young radicals with the means to travel abroad, smuggling arms and explosives into southern Algeria, seeking support in Sudan, and contacting friends and like-minded people in Morocco and Nigeria. The conspirators hoped to incite global support for their war on God's Speak in Al Khals, to win aid from France, Russia, Spain, and more, prehaps even to get Roycelandian support for their tenous claims on Lusakan Zanzibar. Certainly to justify Qottar's move against the Islamic Progress Party in the eyes of Moscow at least. They'd even been planning to create the impression of rising fundamentalist extremist ideas in United Elias... perhaps whoever was bothering their oil industry would find Baghdad's more interesting, and it wouldn't hurt to have United Elias see Al Khals as a similarly wronged friend rather than a minor competator to be swallowed.

But now the Al Khali masses, four million strong, were torn. They'd begun by supporting the government in its public efforts to resist the terrorists it talked about, and would likely even have fully understood and backed the move against the Islamic Progress Party and changing of Al Khali laws were it not for the unexpected external factors now impacting on their thought processes. Reporting on European invasions -especially where carried out by members of the Christian Holy League- has been strictly controlled in the Jumhuriyah, but the basic facts of their happening have been of course quite impossible to keep from popular attention.

While Republican Army and Guard units swept through so-called God's Spear strongholds in Al Khals, hundreds of citizens became more and more enraged by the Christian assault on North Africa, by United Elias' co-operation with Israel, by French meddling in southern Arabia, and began to pay more attention to Roycelandian decadence in its stewardship of the Sudan. The only thing slightly limiting anti-Lusakan sentiment over its other than fully pro-Islamic administration of Zanzibar was anti-Qottar sentiment at home and the memory that unification with Zanzibar was his dream. Protests were organised in a few towns, mainly in the south and east, with marchers complaining about a range of issues from the government's general secularism to simply the Jumhuriyah's lack of official solidarity with those resisting Christian invasions or its failure to cut trade links with European nations.

Further arrests were made at airports, harbours, and borders as some Al Khalis tried to travel to Algeria, Morocco, and other nations to the north and some tried to smuggle-out weapons, funds, and other assets.

Perhaps the only real foreign policy sticking point for the young Mozambiquian republic is Al-Khals.

Parliament can only thank their good fortune that they have Strathdonia on their side, and that the powerful northern neighbor is apparently not intending to carve out some gains in the northern Mozambiquian provinces.

Some of the newly-delivered BAe Hawk light fighters begin to fly occasional patrols by the Mozambique-Al-Khals border as troops on the ground set up halfhearted border posts.

The activities over the southern border receive little attention from the currently introspective Democratic Republic, which isn't much afraid of Mozambique, and is seriously distracted. And besides, most of the Al Khali airforce is strewn between the northern border and the western extent of the Rufiji.

A few coastguard patrols, however, do give cause for Dimuqratiyah Class missile boats and even the odd Omar Class light patrol frigate to venture into Mozambique's waters in response to aircraft patrols.

Jeddah, Red Sea

The vibrant Al Alamah district of the busy port city was buzzing with weekend traffic. Just off the main road on a side street, many chose to pass their afternoon sitting in one of the street cafes, drinking coffee and smoking from shisha pipes while conversing with friends, or playing backgammon.

One of the less traditional coffee bars, part of a meidum size regional chain was especially popular, and its large air-conditioned space provided a refuge on this particulaly hot day. Inside, the youngish crowd listened to western music blared over the sound system or watched the numerous plasma screens showing mostly horse racing, European football matches and music videos.

A twenty-something man, dressed casually in jeans, and fitting in nicely with the clientele, entered, and ordered a soda at the bar. For fifteeen minutes he stood there alone, surveying the room, before finshing his drink and departing, leaving an innocuous sports bag on a bar stool.

Eight minutes later, an explosion ripped through the premises, spraying shards of metal and glass, and ripping most of the ground floor to shreds. On the street outside, panic ensued, some ran away in fear, many rushed to the scene to help the injured, picking through debris to find horrible wounds, and mangled flesh.

An hour later, the scene was quite different, local police had cordoned off a two block radius, and as ambulances continued to ferry the casualties to nearby hospitals, a metallic black Chevrolet Suburban SUVs made its way through the road blocks and pulled up at the scene of the explosion. Doors opened, and simultaenously four men, all in immaculate black suits got out. The most senior among them advanced on the Internal Security Force officers, dressed in the conventional white uniform who seemed to be guarding the immediate area, and be running the situation thus far.

"Who's in charge here?"

One of the ISF men answered after speaking into a handheld radio, "I am. And who might you be? FSB?"

"Thats right, Federal Security Bureau al-Amn al-Khas (Special Security Organisation), Jeddah office... what's the situation?"

"So far it seems there are nine dead and about thirty injured, witnesses say the explosion came from inside the building. As yet we have not had time to interview anyone about suspects, suspicious packages etc, and we are still trying to recover the security camera tapes. However, there are some possible motives, this is one of the few places where you can buy alcohol during the day, its very western, the chain is owned by an Israeli."

The FSB agents looked concerned at this last piece of information given the current political agremeents between Israel and UE, "An Israeli, or a Jew?"

"No, no, as I am sure you know many business in this area are owned by Jews, but this is owned by an Israeli citizen, he has lived here for five years only..."

The senior agent took the ISF officer aside, "I would not assume this is a poltically motivated attack, or even an attack, from what I have seen this looks like a gas explosion."

"But.."

"No Lieutenant, it was a gas explosion, and that is what you will say in your press statement. Now, if you'll excuse me, I will have to ask your officers to leave the scene so our experts can investigate this tragic 'accident'...One more thing, the survivors from inside, make sure they talk to no one, not even their families until we have spoken to them at the hospital, that is imperative, understand?"

The officer nodded, "Err...yes...I will make sure that that the local police ensure that the patients are not disturbed."

"No, not the local police, get your men to do it."

A summary of the Republic's position in a wider context might conclude that, in many ways, Al Khals was in a better position than most of the small Arab nations. Its President worried obsessively about black African conspiracies, imagining a Lusakan-Mozambican alliance sweeping through from north and south, but in reality there was little prospect of that given the current governments of those states. It was at least remote from the north African invasions. Traditionally it had done rather well for itself defensively, maintaining a fairly modern and large military given its tiny population, but the farce that was the Lusakan war damaged that tradition, and Omar Qottar's attempts to re-arm had gone slowly, with Baghdad showing little interest in his half-baked ideas about alligning Al Khals with the larger secular example to the north.

Resentment of Qottar's secularism had been growing for the last few years, and with Baghdad less than fascinated the secular dilluted-capitalist thinly veiled dictator had few other natural allies. The military was demoralised after defeat at the hands of a Lusakan rabble, the people were no longer impressed by a lack of either real democracy or faith-based leadership, and Qottar's own under-cover terror conspiracy was both failing to achieve its original aims and now starting to slip out of his control as Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi siezed upon the myth of God's Spear to direct his own campaign against the government and even the faithless masses.

God's Spear was in southern Algeria before the Roycelandians, and if it was in United Elias too then it was surely by now part of Tunisia's underground.

Qottar had stopped caring about that, however, as the movement gained popular support at home. The Al Khals Kadira Republic Party had shamed and eliminated its main official opposition, Islamic Progress, by associating it with God's Spear in Al Khals, but it now appeared that the population would not support the outlawing of that party were it to have happened today. In fact, the imprisoned party leader Amal Abeid was more popular than he'd ever been in opposition.

Al-Gharndi's forces were now openly massing in many parts of the ill-titled Democratic Republic, aware that the ground-attack portion of the air force was most seriously depleted by the Lusakan war and that the military's moral was near breaking-point anyway. With them carried shouts in support of Abeid, though the man himself had never been half so radical as Al-Gharndi. Even if not by his own design, Abeid had been radicalised by his popularity and was now seen as the political leader of the disenfranchised masses, whom in his absence followed the military and radical spiritual direction of Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi.

Unaware that United Elias was on the brink of taking the sort of hard-line they desired of the Muslim world's most powerful state, al-Gharndi's men were moving on the Qottar government that they accused of being a running dog to Baghdad's secular agenda and its appeasement of Israel and ignoring of the new Crusades sweeping back Islam's progress.

The low intensity police actions within Al Khals had broken out into civil war with the first word of France's Tunisian invasion, and as government forces generally shrugged and looked on or else joined in with the revolutionaries, God's Spear's guide swore that victory in Al Khals would signal the beginning of Holy War on France and its allies.

The President spilled his dinner, tripped over his dog, unholstered and dropped his pistol, called for his helicopter, and sent a series of panicky communiqués to his generals and to Baghdad, swearing that the end was near and signalling for retreats, holding actions, counter attacks, aid, evacuation, and anything else that darted seemingly at random into his sweaty head.

Port Imperial, Roycelandian East Africa

Governor-General Philip J. Fry was not usually a man to smile at other's misfortunes, but the situation in Al Khals seemed to be perfect for one of his plans.

Within the hour, the Roycelandian Ambassador to Al Khals would have arrived at the Presidential Palace, bringing with him an offer of Roycelandian material support in the revolution- guns, aircraft, and most importantly, soldiers- Arab Guardsmen, Colonial Guard, and Imperial Foreign Legionnaires.

Privately, Governor-General Fry was not happy with the idea of another Islamic Government in the world, and figured His Majesty would feel the same way. And he also figured the Al Khali President could use all the help he could get...

Raoul Domingos, Parliament, and northern Mozambique crosses its fingers as news of trouble in their powerful neighbor filters through the border. Radios and television sets are tuned to news channels in order to keep the CoMDF in the know, as finding things out late is better than not being aware at all.

Hawk 200s fly patrols along the border, and CoMDF-A units set up refugee camps should anyone be fleeing into a relatively safer locale from Al-Khals.

To say that the prospect of a hard line or even extremist islamic nation on the north east shore of Lake Nyassa was an iritating one for the Strathdonian govenrment would perhaps be an understatement.

The Govenrment had nothing agaisnt Muslims per say after all the Elians were considered good freinds but a hardline adminisitration within Al-Khals. A friednly offer of secuirty assitance woudl of coruse be made towards the current government but the events further south had put the govenrment off the prospect of any interventionist adventures. In the event of everythign goign pear shaped, President Quottar and anyone else who wished it would be offered refugee status within Strathdonia or the Strathdonian Administrated Province of Niassa (SAPN).



Mean while McGhinty was getting nervous, he had heard nothing from his employer(s) since the oil raids bar a few instructions to remain in coutnry. Nothing about the nature of his third job was forth comming and the situation was rapidly getting out of hand. He desperatly wanted out but on the other hand he really didn't need another big shadowy organisation on his tail, the Strathy FIA and Morgan's bunch of thugs were more than enough heat to make even the coolest operative melt.

(yes more hints of McGhinty's back story and a possible clash with my other uberman: Derek Morgan, the FIA liekly know that McGhinty is in Al-Khals but are liekly too busy with other stuff to forcus thier limited in country assets on him)

Republican Palace of Democracy, Tkrat (north-western Al Khals near Lake Nyasa and the Lusakan border)

The Roycelandian ambassador was received at the former royal palace with less fanfare than was usually granted by the city on the old frontier of Roycelandian empire and the waypoint that marked the divide between European and Arabic empire in southern Africa. In fact, most of the staff on hand failed even to notice him as they dashed about moving documents and destroying others, and he was greeted with surprise by a unit of the Republican Guard, its soldiers apparently surprised that he'd even made it to Tkrat.

He was promptly quizzed about the path he'd taken and the state of the roads, what he'd seen along the way, and so forth, before finally being allowed to see the slightly flushed President, who was scribbling away at his desk, upon which lay his pistol, loaded and within arm's reach.

Much like any Strathdonian officials with time to spare, the Roycelandians would find that Qottar was an increasingly desperate man, full of wholly unconvincing laughter, sweating, and over-friendly in his gestures and physical contact, often slapping ambassadors on the shoulder and such as he pressed with a facade of confidence for some mysterious big united push against the rebels, apparently trying to convince each foreign official with whom he met that the last one had agreed to some sort of multi-national intervention.

During the Roycelandian ambassador's visit, however, sirens broke-out into song and the pounding of boots was followed by shattering gunfire as the Republican Guard's 2nd Pwani Al Jazeera Division tried to join up with Fariq Abdelasis Mahamat's 1st Tkrat Habob Division to protect Omar Qottar from the tightening noose of Dhul Fiqar bin-Omar al-Gharndi's forces. The army, it appeared, was in mutiny, and only the tiny Republican Guard remained loyal to the secular government in any serious way. The superiority of its AK-74-weilding crack troops was proving less significant than expected as Lusakan War veterans stealthily out flanked the secularist forces at and near the palace.

Via'di'arl

Locals would notice that the personnel at the Elias Embassy, an elegant and traditional white turn of the century structure set in a compound within the centre of the city, were getting nervous. No longer were the Army guards standing calmly in immaculate white dress uniforms at the gatepost, but wearing fatigues, clutching loaded assault rifles and shotguns, erecting temporary fortifications to reinforce the protection of the stone walls and placing sandbags around the small tranquil garden that surrounded the building itself. Whilst the Elias flag still flew, and the Ambassador remained in resident, many of the non-essential staff had been evacuated. In the past days, Elias National Airlines had laid on additional emergency flights from not just the Capital, but also Tkrat, Khalasbad and Mtwara as directives were issued instructing all Elias citizens to leave the country. As the last of these sheduled flights departed, consular officials continued to track down any remaining nationals and make hasty arrangements for them to get to the Lusakan or Mozambique frontiers.

Meanwhile, in Baghdad, the issue was recieving less attention than normal, due to the rather more pressing concern of the war with France. The Foreign Affairs Minister, Zaki Mohammed, acting out of character, made a decision that Qottar's government was to be supported with any assets available that would not compromise Elias's security at this challenging time. A communique was immediately sent to the Republican Palace of Democracy offering military support to the President in order to preserve his regime and 'vanquish the foul and corrupted forces of radicalism'. In a latter paragraph it was mentioned that a small naval task force was being moved up from the Mozambique Channel and would be on station within hours. Its helicopters would then be available to evacuate Elias Embassy officials and if requested, Qottar himself to safety.

The Roycelandian Ambassador immediately makes the offer to President Qottar to evacuate him via Helicopter to Roycelandian East Africa, with a unit of Imperial Guard securing the Palace in the meantime, as well as evacuating other important Staff- whilst direct Military Intervention was not an option, President Qottar would do more good in Port Imperial or Nairobi than he would being used as a target by the mutineers...

Tkrat

President Omar Qottar is visibly elated by talk of aid from Baghdad, and soon may be seen stomping around the ornate reddish-coloured palace, waving his Tokagypt 9mm pistol and booming about how and who'll be taught what and why. Most of his staff, however, are less moved, feeling that it is all rather too late and that talk of extraction via helicopter is far from a certainty, let alone a counter-attack.
Being isolated in the northwest of the country near the shores of the northern end of Lake Nyasa -Tkrat being Qottar's family home- most officials see Strathdonia as their best avenue for escape, but are frustrated by Qottar's obsession with distant Baghdad and the interest of Roycelandians even less likely to get them safely across Lusaka and no more likely to get them safely to the Al Khali east coast.

Via'di'arl

The Luwegu River wound around the north of the ancient city, doing some little to delay the advance of rebel Islamist forces as rear-guard elements of the Al Jazeera Division from distant Mafia Island tried to buy time for their comrades racing to Tkrat. Unfortunately, the Songea Gap to the south, lying between the Luwegu and the Rovuma, was open to increasing exploitation as fighters scrambled through, threatening to out flank the outnumbered defenders of the capital and of the Luwegu.

Government orders for air strikes to keep the attackers away from the outskirts of Via'di'arl and to disrupt increasing traffic through Songea resulted in... nothing. The air force failed to respond to orders, and some elements had begun to fly menacingly over the heart of the capital and over its embassy district. They'd stopped short of discharging weapons against either side, however. Army vehicles, though were increasingly seen in the presence of Islamist fighters (God's Spear terrorists if you listened to the Republican authorities), and M48K and M48A6K battle tanks could by now be seen daubed in Arabic script applied by radicals and voicing righteous anger. The whereabouts of most of the Republic's few dozen M1A2-AK tanks was yet unclear, as only a handfull were visible around Tkrat in Republican hands or defending Via'di'arl, where they were increasingly being deployed to protect the embassy district, and were seriously lacking in relaible infantry support.

While many top officials and the bulk of the Republican Guard quietly plotted to escape across the lake, though one was at a loss to explain exactly how they'd do it except perhaps by a handful of rusty PT-76 amphibious tanks that were almost a forgotten part of the Tkrat landscape, PM Kilany and the rest were trapped in the capital along with remaining foreigners and a tightening chain of rebel combatants. Only Qottar and a few patriotic officers, concentrated in Tkrat, were thinking about quashing the uprising in the short term. The long ignored Arabic Unity Party leader Atef Al Haddam meanwhile -a middle-ground figure between secular Kilany and Qottar, and the radical al-Gharndi and pious Abeid- was now hopeful that he might survive both inside and outside Al Khals and set himself up as a future leader if Qottar and Kilany failed to escape or else proved permanently unpopular, while al-Gharndi and Abeid perhaps would fall to international pressure or action. He exited the country some days before the situation became so dire, and was last known to be in the Middle East.

(Sorry for not really coming to much of a point, I am more distracted than I expected to be when I started typing.)

Even as the C-5B Galaxy carrying three Blackhawk Helicopters lifted off from Port Imperial International Airport, the Imperial Government was on the hotline to Strathdonia asking for permission to operate rescue flights out of the nearest airbase to the Al Khali border.

A Chinook in Red Cross markigs had also taken off from Mombasa, and was requesting permission to transit Lusakan airspace to get to Al Khals, and Governor-General Philip J. Fry got onto the Imperial Naval Command to find out what sort of maritime assets were in the area.

Three Sunderland Flying Boats were diverted to lake Nyasa to try and help rescue Al Khalis stranded on the shores of the lake, and the Imperial Guard had done their best to fortify the Roycelandian Embassy in Via'di'arl against a potential rebel onslaught...

The Royce landian request is approved in short order and the runway and some hangerage at SADF Karonaga are made available.

While not wanting to antagonise any future Al-Khals administration the Strathdonian govenrment have athorised the extraction of anyone requesting such aide and as such the vast bulk of the Nyassa Boat Section has been deployed to the northern end of the Lake and have for the first time crossed into Al-Khali waters. In order to dsicorage any hostile activity towards the boat section, Mirgaes of No1 Squadron have been flying regular border hugging flights (actual transport capacity of the boat section is restricted to 1 LST and 4 veitnam tango boats plus a few ferries that have press ganged, by linking up with SADF helos and flyign boats they can likely get a fair few people out).

McGhinty finaly had an exit route, a number of enterprising but siutably pious local pilots had extablished a service flying the devoute to other islamic coutnries to visit relatives and so McGhinty dressed in a full Burka and accompanied by his "brother" was soon heading for some where a little less heated.

COM-INDIO (Indian Ocean Command) HQ, Port Victoria Naval Base, Seychelles

Two officers presented themselves infront of Admiral Wasiri's desk. "Sir!" The commandant looked up past the small rims of his spectacles and cleared his throat. The embers of a discarded cigar still smoking silently in the ash tray. The man's reputation in the services was mixed, as although he known for his sound strategic thinking and managerial acumen, he was prone to be a maverick, often interpreting himself what was best for the nation.

"At ease....now the time has come for us to intercede in Al Khals. As you both know it would be disastrous if Islamists were to take power and it would only be a matter of time before this sort of extremism spreads to our own secular shores. It is imperative that we act quickly and unless we make a commitment with all due haste it will be too late. The plan in my mind is that we immediately provide aircraft over Al Khali airspace. They will then be able to be tasked by Qottar's officials, and may, if necessitated engage any Air Force deserters who use their aircraft to aid the rebels. We will then provide an Army Airborne Brigade to deploy rapidly to the Capital and secure the city. I am trusting in you to liase with the appropriate departments and see that this happens."

"Sir, will all due respect, Baghdad has not authorised any such action."

"Baghdad is pre-occupied, they will thank me once we have acted, that I can assure."

"Again, with respect sir, I must remind that you that you do not have the authority under military law to deploy major forces to a combat situation without permission from the Ministry of Defence."

"Lieutenant-Commander, you are absolutely correct in the interpretation of the law. However, I am permitted, even obliged to send additional guards to protect an Elias diplomatic mission if they request assistance and face a clear and present danger."

"Sir, isn't four thousand troops rather larger for an embassy security force."

"Fortunately the rules do not quantify what constitutes such a force and this is a decision left at the discretion of the Area Commander, based on operational necessity. It may well take an entire to Brigade to protect the installation, who can say? Now, if you please, will you arrange it?"

The other officer, a young Lieutenant from the Contingency & Operations Office, "Sir, there might be a problem operationally, we have all the necessary air and sea assets in our AO, but an Airborne Brigade would have to come from the mainland and they are all on ready alert to drop into North Africa."

"We'll use the Sixth out of At' Ta'if, assigned to the 2nd Army. Its already going to be on alert in case Ahzad attacks, but given the strength they have, I doubt they'll need it. Also, General Al Nasim owes me a favour... Dimissed."

***

Within hours EA-80 transport planes tookoff from the Arabian peninsular carrying the initial elements of the 6th Airborne Brigade. Simultaenously, in the Seychelles, efforts were made to quickly get combat aircraft and tankers so that they could assist in what was now 'Operation Friendly Gesture'.

At Port Victoria Air base, the 9th Strategic Strike Squadron prepared its Tu-160M bombers for missions over Al Khals. In total they had fourteen aircraft, divided into three flights of four bombers with two aircraft in reserve at all times. Since the worldwide readiness conditions had been upgraded following the North African situation, at any one time a single flight was required to be on six minute alert, meaning that in six minutes they could be airborne. This alert flight was now hurriedly changing its weapons loads so that each bomber would be carry one hundred and forty-four 500lb dumb bombs.

After the load outs had been completed, Flight Commander Hafiz Ashenani started the engines on his aircaft, which like all of the aircraft had elaborate and colourful nose art. On his aircraft, there was a stylised version of The Elias Eagle shown holding an electric guitar, alongside was the caption, 'Death and Destruction', the nickname he and his crew had given to their aircraft. As ground personnel scurried out of the way, the whine of jet engines filled the air as one by one turbofans came alive. Almost immediately the planes started to roll forward, one after the other, all headed toward the nearby runway.

A few seconds later the dull whine was replaced with a deafening roar as Commander Ashenani's Tu-160 accelerated, afterburners powering the behemoth down the runway. In the following minutes Death and Destruction was followed by Devil’s Advocate, Genghis Khan and Negative Equity. Once in relatively close formation, the four Tu-160Ms turned westwards.

After rendezvousing with a flight of twelve Navy Mig-29Ks from the Aircraft Carrier Petra, stationed in the Mozambique channel, the bombers would then be escorted into Al Khali airspace. Then they would make a point of flying low and fast over major cities as a show of force, and also be available for tasking by Al Khali officials for air strikes. Meanwhile the fighters would establish air superiority so that it would be safe for the inbound transport aircraft.

Meanwhile military officials on the Seychelles sent messages to Port Imperial and Lilongwe requesting the use of airfields to support their operations in Al Khals and emphasising the danger an Islamist regime would pose to regional stability.

As violence in Al-Khals intensifies, the few Mozambique Defense Force border posts, established on major roads into the seemingly blighted Islamic Republic to the north, are reinforced rather heavily. AML-90 and AML-60 armored cars, their white Camillo-esque police paint scheme replaced by a drab green and CoMDF roundel.

Soldiers watch the roads with binoculars and what few infra-red scopes are available, aided by an Alouette II based out of Pemba and a press-ganged An-2. CoMDF personnel have orders to 'protect refugees crossing the border,' but exactly how is up to local commanders.

On a more strategic scale, Parliament in Maputo and Pemba does not at all seem happy with the prospect of an Islamic fundamentalist regime in Al-Khals, and although the more leftist MPs have proven themselves rather hostile to the prospect of United Elias doing, well, whatever it is doing (Mozambiquian intelligence assets are almost non-existant), owing largely to its support of the Mozambique Free State, it is a consensus that Baghdad is quite capable of doing whatever it feels like to whoever they want, as far as Mozambique is concerned, and whatever the more extreme elements of Parliament feel UE and the Free State are there and the Commonwealth will have to deal with it.

Therefore, Parliament issues a blanket condemnation of both Qottar's regime and the fundamentalists, and promises to do whatever it can for Al-Khali refugees. Raoul Domingos, spending ever-increasing time airborne in his new (well, if you can call it that) HAL-built Dove, the likes of which are far from uncommon in Sub-Saharan Africa, echoes Parliament's dissatisfaction with the situation, and makes plans to meet with Donald Livingston and discuss things, as he puts it, concerning Al-Khals.

Port Imperial immediately agreed to allow United Elias use of any Roycelandian Airfields and Air Harbours that they would require.

Meanwhile, the C-5B had touched down at SADF Karonaga and immediately technicians and groundcrew began to assemble the rotors and re-fuel the Blackhawks for their part in the Airlift our of Al Khals.

Codenamed Operation Wooden Rabbit, the plan was to extract the Al Khali President and the Cabinet by Air from the Palace, whilst ensuring that the area around the Roycelandian Embassy remained secure, and assisting with the crossing of Lake Nyasa by fleeing Al Khali refugees.

Meanwhile, a Desert Camo painted C-130J was put on alert at IAF Nairobi, and the Imperial Foreign Legion troops stationed in Nairobi were warned they might be going into Al Khals to secure the airport in the capital city, so they had to be ready to go on 1 hour's notice.

However, Governor-General Fry (and by extension, His Majesty) did not wish to anger a Fundamentalist Government (for the writing was clearly on the walls for Al Khals), and as such had not publicly spoken of, or even hinted at, direct military action at this stage- after the Ahzadi debacle, it would seem a bit more prudent to keep their cards a bit closer to their chest this time, so to speak...

Via'di'arl

In the twilight hours, seven EA-80 tactical transport aircraft entered Al Khali airspace, flying high, lights extinguished and wing-mounted ECM pods ready to jam air defence system that seemed hostile.

As they neared the capital city, the formation loosened and one of the planes broke off to head for a different LZ. Initially, the four Infantry Battalions of the 6th Airborne Brigade would drop at various points in and around Via'di'arl International Airport in order to sieze an 'air head' so that support units and heavy equipment could then be flown in during the night and the next few days. Meanwhile, a team of Army Special Forces would make a much tricker insertion directly into the city centre, using steerable chutes to hopefully land on the grounds of the Elias Embassy, or thereabouts. They would then hurry to secure government buildings and safeguard those members of the regime still in the city. Drab official statements would shortly announce that some military activity had taken place for the purpose of 'safeguarding Elias interests and citizens'.

With permission granted by the Roycelandians, the follow on elements of the 6th Airborne were now enroute by An-124 and Il-76 heavylift aircraft to an airbase near Mombassa in REA so that they could then be moved in to Al Khals by the smaller EA-80s once an airfield had been secured. Additionally, two squadrons of EA-160 multirole aircraft had been forward deployed from the Seychelles so that they could be closer to Al Khals if they were needed. However, it is likely that these would be moved to Strathdonia if Livingstone agreed to it.


Aqaba

Atef Al Haddam had been flagged entering the country. Despite travelling under an alias, his photograph and fingerprints had previously been on file and he had been identified on CONTINUUM (a complicated acronym for the national database that held records of every citizen including fingerprints, photograph which had to be legally updated every five years, DNA, address, travel details including foreign visas, phone numbers, vehicle registration details and of course any prior criminal offences. Foreigners entering the country, legally, would be added to it with photos and fingerprint records taken at the point of entry). Unfortunately, by the time the FSB were aware of this, Al Haddam had already been granted entry after arriving on a flight from Al Khals to Cairo. His last known movements was taking a domestic flight from Cairo to the Red Sea port of Aqaba, and now this city became the centre of the investigation.

On the eleventh floor of a high rise office building, the Aqaba division of the Federal Security Bureau’s al-Amn al-Khas (Special Security Organisation) had spent the past two days attempting to locate the leader of the Arabic Unity Party. An initial lead came from apolice informant who reported seeing the man in a suburb of Aqaba, which unsuprisingly was home to a large number of African Arab immigrants, mostly from Zanzibar and Al Khals. A covert but nonetheless extensive surveillance operation had then been implemented and it had been ascertained that Al Haddam was staying in a relatively modest house with some fellow Al Khalis, presumably old friends. It seemed that he rarely ventured out, attempting to keep a low profile, save a daily visit to a local shisha cafe in the late evening.

In order to keep the affair low-key, four detectives from the local police precinct were then dispatched in an unmarked car to await his return at the usual time. Just as he walked up to the house, alone and otherwise, inconcspicious, the three men flashed their badges and informed him that he was under arrest for falsifying immigration papers. As they lead him to their vehicle, not in restraints but held firmly on the arm, he seemed neither angry nor afraid, just bemused that these men seemed to have no idea who he was. This was because they didn't. The FSB had told them nothing they did not need to know, and it was only after they returned to the precinct house that FSB agents took Al Haddam into their custody. After a few apologies for his treatment he was taken in a convoy of black Chevorlet Suburban SUVs to an Air Force Base outside of the city. A few agents then accompanied him aboard an awaiting Gulfstream executive jet, and he was promptly on his way to Baghdad for secret meetings with Foreign Affairs Ministry officials. After all, UE had to hedge its bets and any regime would be better than a radical Islamist one.

(Al Khals, hope you don't mind me RPing Al Haddam for you, but you said he was in the Middle East so I decided that he'd be in UE. If that's a problem then I can edit it.)