Ancient British Glory
23-02-2006, 23:54
What we often regard as facts in history may not often be so, because these facts are subject to our own interpretations. Upon the past, we impose our own value systems, our own ethics and our own ideas and this often shows in our histories of the past. Facts become altered, thoughts that never existed in those periods are subtly inserted. It is perhaps the first and foremost duty of the professional historian to attempt to sort through the interpretations of past chroniclers in order to try and find an objective truth (or as close to an objective truth as it is possible to come).
In the case of Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, the distortions of facts have created a gross injustice. Haig is remembered as the Butcher of the Somme, at best a man placed in a job far beyond his capabilites, at worst an incompetent and callous murderer. Too often when his name is mentioned does the public see the BlackAdder interpretation of Geoffrey Palmer sweeping toy soldiers from a map with disdain. So loathed is Haig that there are popular campaigns to have his statutes removed.
It may come as a surprise to some of you to learn that the opposite is true of Haig. As a soldier and a general, he is only beaten by Wellington and Marlborough in terms of talent and ability. His military career both during World One and prior to it are filled with achievement. As a man, he was compassionate, shy (but steely), intelligent and modest.
What will surprise you even more is how widespread that opinion of Haig is in the academic world. Ever since John Terrain's landmark work Haig: the Educated Soldier was released in the 1980s, the revisionist argument (i.e. Haig was a good soldier and man) has managed to claim the allegiance of most First World War historians. The debate between academics has concluded and it found firmly in favour of the revisionists
So why, indeed, does the negative public image of Haig still exist? What caused this image in the first place? Before these questions can be answered we must observe some of the predominant myths as to Haig and the First World War. It must also be noted, even at this early stage, that the way in which the First World War has been viewed since its end has participated to the injustice inflicted on Haig's reputation.
1) Haig was nothing more than a calvary man: The reputation of the pre-1918 British calvary is not one of the brightest. The stereotype of blundering, brainless, brash charges such as that made by the Light Brigade in the Crimea has remained fixed in the public attention. Haig was orginally a calvary officer and so the stereotype has become attached to him: he knew nothing of fighting other than how to charge and this resulted in the bloodbath of the Somme. This view, however, is incorrect. Haig did very little calvary fighting - for the vast amount of his early career (pre-1900) he was a staff officer who worked on training methods and organisational techniques, skills which were to be of great use in the First World War.
2) Haigh was an incompetent soldier On the contary, on graduating from the Sandhurst military academy, he came top and was awarded a sword in recognition of this. The work he did as a staff officer proved invaluable both in Boer War and in the preparation to the First World War. He realised during the Boer War that troops would have to be spread out rather than clustered when fighting a machine gun bearing enemy and often advocated this method of fighting. Haig was an advisor to John Haldane, who, in 1910, began to bring about the much needed reforms of the army. Alas Haldane and Haig began their work too late for many of their reforms to be implemented. During this time Haig realised two things that were to take the British establishment 3 years of bloody fighting to recognise: firstly, a continental war would mean total war, involving conscription and all the resources of the nation and secondly, that a continental war would require the utter defeat and destruction of the enemy army. Had these ideas (especially universal conscription) been implemented in 1914 (or even 1915) then there is ever possibility that the blood shed on the allied side would have been nowhere near as severe.
3) Haig (and other generals) were cowards who hid miles behind the line: During the first year of the war, losses in the higher ranks (i.e. major general and above) were astonishingly high for both the French, Germans and British. This is how Haig (and many others) were able to rise through the ranks so quickly - in 1914, Haig was not even a full general but by December 1915, he was Commander in Chief of the British army. Niveulle, the French Commander in Chief who replaced Joffre in 1917, had only been a Colonel of an artillery regiment in 1914. Generals were frequent casualities of the war. Haig himself had several close escapes: on one occasion he had to escape in a staff car with the lights turned off, so close were the Germans. On another, his headquarters was hit by a shell and one of the chandliers feel down, narrowly missing Haig's head. It is also unfair to blame Haig for being away from the front line once he was CinC: on his soldiers lay the organisation of the biggest military force Britain had ever deployed. If he had been killed by German machine gunners, the effects on the British army would have been disasterous. Equally, so busy was Haig, he was lucky if he was ever even able to get away from headquarters.
3) Haig commanded the British army from 1914 to 1918: Haig was only given command in December 1915 from Sir John French and thus inherited the situation that French had created. French was certainly unsuited for the position of C in C: he had in fact been driven to mental break down by the responsibilty.
4) The Battle of the Somme:
Firstly, it is necessary to point out that the legendary reputation of the Somme is a modern reputation: in the 1920s and 1930s, the Somme was viewed in a very much different light. It was viewed as a necessary victory. This view of the Somme is much more accurate than our modern day one of futile slaughter.
Secondly, the Battle of the Somme was not to Haig's liking. He complained to London and to the French about it, as he knew from its geography that it was not a good place to attack. Why then did he attack there? Quite simply, ever since the British army had arrived in France, it had been told to comply with the French army's wishes when-ever possible. Sir John French enforced this idea as did London and Paris. This is unsurprising considering that Britain was very much a junior partner to France in 1914. The situation remained throughout the war, even when the war became primarily a British run affair. This was due to London politics, not Haig. But back to the Somme: at the time, the French were being attacked in Verdun and it was believed by all that if the French army were defeated there, the Germans would break through and win the war. Thus, the French 'asked' the British army to draw attention away from Verdun by launching a counter-attack and they wanted that counter-attack on the Somme. As mentioned. Haig complained but alas to no avail.
Thirdly, the Battle of the Somme was not a defeat for the British army - in fact, it was a victory. This is unquestionable. The British army managed to take the German line and draw pressure off the French at Verdun. The Germans were forced to retreat along that front after bitter, bitter fighting. The huge losses of the first day of the Somme (60,000 British casualities) were never repeated: the British average losses after this was 2,000 casualities a day. The loss of life was huge but in military terms, the victory was worth it. This victory was ultimately to allow the allied armies to win the war and it saved the French in Verdun. The German losses were huge: 560,000 is the (accurate but rarely stated)estimate. The combined British and French losses were 530,000. Britain and France lost heavily, true, but they could depend on Russia and Italy at this stage. Germany, however, was the major partner in its alliance and those huge losses hurt them massively.
Fourthly, the conduct of the first day of the battle was perfectly sound in terms of military planning and Haig's experience of the western front. During his time in France, Haig had organised the only two British offensives of the war and on both occasions the same thing occured: the German frontlines were taken by charging troops but then the British failed on both occasions to back up their troops in time for the German counter-attack. Thus, the advances were lost. Haig applied the lessons from this to the Somme which is why he sent wave after wave after wave of British soldiers into the machine guns. But why did commanders not stop the waves once they realised that the first waves were failing? Simple: the commanders did not realise the first waves were failing. Communication technology was not what it was in World War Two: there were no hand held radios for the charging troops to carry forward. Smoke quickly obscured the battle field from vision for miles around and shelling prevented runners from reporting the situation. Thus, the commanders did not know what was happening and thus could not be reasonably expected to have known when things went wrong. Also the often close formation of the British troops: this was not Haig's order but a result of the training that the volunteer armies received. They were not the experienced BEF men of 1914, who knew how to independently act under fire. These volunteer armies, though brave, were trained to respond to complex and detailed orders: these sort of orders were impossible to use on a battlefield like the Somme. Thus, they crowded together and so were slaughtered en-mass. Haig cannot be blamed for the quality of the armies he was sent.
5) Haig hated new ideas like the tank: This is the most absurd myth of the lot. Haig actively embraced the tank: indeed a more sensible criticism of him would be that he was too eager to use new technology. Haig heard of the tank shortly after coming into the command of the army (December 1915) and already by March, he began to factor it into his battle plans. He spoke with its designers and manufacturers and expressed his desire to use tanks in the July offensive on the Somme: however, he was told he would only have 50 operation tanks (and trained crews) by August, instead of the 100 he wanted for the 1st July. After the Somme (and the debue of the tank in September 1916 on that battlefield) he asked for 1000 more tanks: however he did not receive anywhere near that number until the close of the year 1918. In 1917, Haig suggested an amphibous assault on the Belgian coast using tanks in a plan very similar to those made for D-Day, 1944 but the technology of the tank was not yet ready for such an achievement. Too often when the public think of tanks, they think of the Shermans of 1944 or the Blitzkrieg Panzers of 1940. These were not the 1916 tanks, which travelled at about 3mph and could only be used for a limited amount of time before the fumes from their exhaust suffocated the crew. Haig also made intensive use of the Royal Flying Core in survelliance matters, something Sir John French actively discouraged.
6) Haig did not care about his troops and their suffering: Haig's diaries show a constant care for the sufferings of his men and the hardships they had to endure. It was in fact one of his primary objectives to take care of them and to avoid losses. What more could Haig have done, considering the way in which World War One panned out? The line of trenches streched from the Belgian coast to Switzerland. There was no way of outflanking the German lines, they could not be bombed out of their lines. There had been no success in opening up alternative theatres of war: Gallipoli had ended horribly. In short, the British, French and German commanders had no choice other than to throw men at the defended lines. Losses were always going to be huge: it was simply unavoidable.
7) The allies won World War One: Yes, this actually has to be repeated. The British and the French (with their less significant allies, the Americans and the Italians) defeated the Germans. The war was a victory, no matter how costly. The British public of today still seems to believe that World War One was a victory only in name: to the contary, it was a total victory that accomplished all that the war had been declared for. German imperialism was dead and buried: its threat to Britain and France's home security was gone. The British and French empires remained.
8) The soldiers did not know what they were fighting for: From day one to the end, almost all of the British and French soldiers knew what they had been fighting for: they believed they had fought to save their homes from German militarism (keep in mind that during the war, Germany was under military dictatorship) and domination. This was believed by the ranks, the offices, the high command and the home front. Sources prove this. There was no concept of futility in their minds - to them, it was worth it. They did not believe they were simply fighting for the advancement of empire: they believed they were fighting for their homes and families. This is why soldiers on all sides fought with such ferorcity and unreserved bravery.
I am going to finish now and go onto the histography of Haig at a later point, in order to illustrate how the negative myths of Haig and WW1 became so socially accepted. The above myths are by no means a conclusive summary of the last 20 years of revisionist research but they do dispel the most prevalent myths regarding Haig. Also some of the above points do not address Haig's leadership directly: this is because much of Haig's reputation does not stem from his actions but from public perception of the war.
In the case of Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, the distortions of facts have created a gross injustice. Haig is remembered as the Butcher of the Somme, at best a man placed in a job far beyond his capabilites, at worst an incompetent and callous murderer. Too often when his name is mentioned does the public see the BlackAdder interpretation of Geoffrey Palmer sweeping toy soldiers from a map with disdain. So loathed is Haig that there are popular campaigns to have his statutes removed.
It may come as a surprise to some of you to learn that the opposite is true of Haig. As a soldier and a general, he is only beaten by Wellington and Marlborough in terms of talent and ability. His military career both during World One and prior to it are filled with achievement. As a man, he was compassionate, shy (but steely), intelligent and modest.
What will surprise you even more is how widespread that opinion of Haig is in the academic world. Ever since John Terrain's landmark work Haig: the Educated Soldier was released in the 1980s, the revisionist argument (i.e. Haig was a good soldier and man) has managed to claim the allegiance of most First World War historians. The debate between academics has concluded and it found firmly in favour of the revisionists
So why, indeed, does the negative public image of Haig still exist? What caused this image in the first place? Before these questions can be answered we must observe some of the predominant myths as to Haig and the First World War. It must also be noted, even at this early stage, that the way in which the First World War has been viewed since its end has participated to the injustice inflicted on Haig's reputation.
1) Haig was nothing more than a calvary man: The reputation of the pre-1918 British calvary is not one of the brightest. The stereotype of blundering, brainless, brash charges such as that made by the Light Brigade in the Crimea has remained fixed in the public attention. Haig was orginally a calvary officer and so the stereotype has become attached to him: he knew nothing of fighting other than how to charge and this resulted in the bloodbath of the Somme. This view, however, is incorrect. Haig did very little calvary fighting - for the vast amount of his early career (pre-1900) he was a staff officer who worked on training methods and organisational techniques, skills which were to be of great use in the First World War.
2) Haigh was an incompetent soldier On the contary, on graduating from the Sandhurst military academy, he came top and was awarded a sword in recognition of this. The work he did as a staff officer proved invaluable both in Boer War and in the preparation to the First World War. He realised during the Boer War that troops would have to be spread out rather than clustered when fighting a machine gun bearing enemy and often advocated this method of fighting. Haig was an advisor to John Haldane, who, in 1910, began to bring about the much needed reforms of the army. Alas Haldane and Haig began their work too late for many of their reforms to be implemented. During this time Haig realised two things that were to take the British establishment 3 years of bloody fighting to recognise: firstly, a continental war would mean total war, involving conscription and all the resources of the nation and secondly, that a continental war would require the utter defeat and destruction of the enemy army. Had these ideas (especially universal conscription) been implemented in 1914 (or even 1915) then there is ever possibility that the blood shed on the allied side would have been nowhere near as severe.
3) Haig (and other generals) were cowards who hid miles behind the line: During the first year of the war, losses in the higher ranks (i.e. major general and above) were astonishingly high for both the French, Germans and British. This is how Haig (and many others) were able to rise through the ranks so quickly - in 1914, Haig was not even a full general but by December 1915, he was Commander in Chief of the British army. Niveulle, the French Commander in Chief who replaced Joffre in 1917, had only been a Colonel of an artillery regiment in 1914. Generals were frequent casualities of the war. Haig himself had several close escapes: on one occasion he had to escape in a staff car with the lights turned off, so close were the Germans. On another, his headquarters was hit by a shell and one of the chandliers feel down, narrowly missing Haig's head. It is also unfair to blame Haig for being away from the front line once he was CinC: on his soldiers lay the organisation of the biggest military force Britain had ever deployed. If he had been killed by German machine gunners, the effects on the British army would have been disasterous. Equally, so busy was Haig, he was lucky if he was ever even able to get away from headquarters.
3) Haig commanded the British army from 1914 to 1918: Haig was only given command in December 1915 from Sir John French and thus inherited the situation that French had created. French was certainly unsuited for the position of C in C: he had in fact been driven to mental break down by the responsibilty.
4) The Battle of the Somme:
Firstly, it is necessary to point out that the legendary reputation of the Somme is a modern reputation: in the 1920s and 1930s, the Somme was viewed in a very much different light. It was viewed as a necessary victory. This view of the Somme is much more accurate than our modern day one of futile slaughter.
Secondly, the Battle of the Somme was not to Haig's liking. He complained to London and to the French about it, as he knew from its geography that it was not a good place to attack. Why then did he attack there? Quite simply, ever since the British army had arrived in France, it had been told to comply with the French army's wishes when-ever possible. Sir John French enforced this idea as did London and Paris. This is unsurprising considering that Britain was very much a junior partner to France in 1914. The situation remained throughout the war, even when the war became primarily a British run affair. This was due to London politics, not Haig. But back to the Somme: at the time, the French were being attacked in Verdun and it was believed by all that if the French army were defeated there, the Germans would break through and win the war. Thus, the French 'asked' the British army to draw attention away from Verdun by launching a counter-attack and they wanted that counter-attack on the Somme. As mentioned. Haig complained but alas to no avail.
Thirdly, the Battle of the Somme was not a defeat for the British army - in fact, it was a victory. This is unquestionable. The British army managed to take the German line and draw pressure off the French at Verdun. The Germans were forced to retreat along that front after bitter, bitter fighting. The huge losses of the first day of the Somme (60,000 British casualities) were never repeated: the British average losses after this was 2,000 casualities a day. The loss of life was huge but in military terms, the victory was worth it. This victory was ultimately to allow the allied armies to win the war and it saved the French in Verdun. The German losses were huge: 560,000 is the (accurate but rarely stated)estimate. The combined British and French losses were 530,000. Britain and France lost heavily, true, but they could depend on Russia and Italy at this stage. Germany, however, was the major partner in its alliance and those huge losses hurt them massively.
Fourthly, the conduct of the first day of the battle was perfectly sound in terms of military planning and Haig's experience of the western front. During his time in France, Haig had organised the only two British offensives of the war and on both occasions the same thing occured: the German frontlines were taken by charging troops but then the British failed on both occasions to back up their troops in time for the German counter-attack. Thus, the advances were lost. Haig applied the lessons from this to the Somme which is why he sent wave after wave after wave of British soldiers into the machine guns. But why did commanders not stop the waves once they realised that the first waves were failing? Simple: the commanders did not realise the first waves were failing. Communication technology was not what it was in World War Two: there were no hand held radios for the charging troops to carry forward. Smoke quickly obscured the battle field from vision for miles around and shelling prevented runners from reporting the situation. Thus, the commanders did not know what was happening and thus could not be reasonably expected to have known when things went wrong. Also the often close formation of the British troops: this was not Haig's order but a result of the training that the volunteer armies received. They were not the experienced BEF men of 1914, who knew how to independently act under fire. These volunteer armies, though brave, were trained to respond to complex and detailed orders: these sort of orders were impossible to use on a battlefield like the Somme. Thus, they crowded together and so were slaughtered en-mass. Haig cannot be blamed for the quality of the armies he was sent.
5) Haig hated new ideas like the tank: This is the most absurd myth of the lot. Haig actively embraced the tank: indeed a more sensible criticism of him would be that he was too eager to use new technology. Haig heard of the tank shortly after coming into the command of the army (December 1915) and already by March, he began to factor it into his battle plans. He spoke with its designers and manufacturers and expressed his desire to use tanks in the July offensive on the Somme: however, he was told he would only have 50 operation tanks (and trained crews) by August, instead of the 100 he wanted for the 1st July. After the Somme (and the debue of the tank in September 1916 on that battlefield) he asked for 1000 more tanks: however he did not receive anywhere near that number until the close of the year 1918. In 1917, Haig suggested an amphibous assault on the Belgian coast using tanks in a plan very similar to those made for D-Day, 1944 but the technology of the tank was not yet ready for such an achievement. Too often when the public think of tanks, they think of the Shermans of 1944 or the Blitzkrieg Panzers of 1940. These were not the 1916 tanks, which travelled at about 3mph and could only be used for a limited amount of time before the fumes from their exhaust suffocated the crew. Haig also made intensive use of the Royal Flying Core in survelliance matters, something Sir John French actively discouraged.
6) Haig did not care about his troops and their suffering: Haig's diaries show a constant care for the sufferings of his men and the hardships they had to endure. It was in fact one of his primary objectives to take care of them and to avoid losses. What more could Haig have done, considering the way in which World War One panned out? The line of trenches streched from the Belgian coast to Switzerland. There was no way of outflanking the German lines, they could not be bombed out of their lines. There had been no success in opening up alternative theatres of war: Gallipoli had ended horribly. In short, the British, French and German commanders had no choice other than to throw men at the defended lines. Losses were always going to be huge: it was simply unavoidable.
7) The allies won World War One: Yes, this actually has to be repeated. The British and the French (with their less significant allies, the Americans and the Italians) defeated the Germans. The war was a victory, no matter how costly. The British public of today still seems to believe that World War One was a victory only in name: to the contary, it was a total victory that accomplished all that the war had been declared for. German imperialism was dead and buried: its threat to Britain and France's home security was gone. The British and French empires remained.
8) The soldiers did not know what they were fighting for: From day one to the end, almost all of the British and French soldiers knew what they had been fighting for: they believed they had fought to save their homes from German militarism (keep in mind that during the war, Germany was under military dictatorship) and domination. This was believed by the ranks, the offices, the high command and the home front. Sources prove this. There was no concept of futility in their minds - to them, it was worth it. They did not believe they were simply fighting for the advancement of empire: they believed they were fighting for their homes and families. This is why soldiers on all sides fought with such ferorcity and unreserved bravery.
I am going to finish now and go onto the histography of Haig at a later point, in order to illustrate how the negative myths of Haig and WW1 became so socially accepted. The above myths are by no means a conclusive summary of the last 20 years of revisionist research but they do dispel the most prevalent myths regarding Haig. Also some of the above points do not address Haig's leadership directly: this is because much of Haig's reputation does not stem from his actions but from public perception of the war.