NationStates Jolt Archive

The luxurious hot springs resort Lyeithen had been chosen for a momentous occasion. Tucked away in an rural area in the sparsely populated northern Aerionian province of Losharn, Lyeithen was perhaps the most secure but luxurious location that could have been chosen for such an occasion.

Even before the announcement to the press of the 1st Western Atlantic Summit, preparations had been months in the planning in the tiny but exclusive mountain resort of Lyeithen. The press was not allowed into the Royal Lyeithen Wilderness Preserve nor Lyeithen, though wealthier members of the press sometimes spent their leisure time there it was accepted they would never write an unauthorized piece. It was an area practically under the direct control of the Crown, and those who owned estates there.

Though there had been rumors that something was going on as the Royal Wilderness Preserve had been closed to the public outside of residents or normal (read high status) visitors for several months. Lyeithen was normally open to tourists who could afford to stay there, and only closed as such when the Royal Family was at their estate. In this case it was rumored the Royal Family was not on their estate in those months, and there had been large military convoys heading toward the area as well as increased helicopter air traffic.

Security preparations were extensive despite the already secure location. An barbed wire chainlink fence had been erected in an 30 mile area around Lyeithen. An massive temporary concrete barrier with barbed wire was erected within an 6 mile area surrounding Lyeithen. Both at what could have been imagined as an extravagant cost. Army tanks, and vehicles were stationed near the outer, and inner boundary. An entire temporary base camp had been built 5 miles from Lyeithen in an area of trees as not to be conspicuous on the lands of an estate. Several technological surveillance measures surrounded the area as well. Motion sensors, heat sensors, and flying drones. Several guard posts were placed within Lyeithen, and around the Royal Lyeithen Hotel & Spa. The Royal Army, Royal Air Force, Royal Intelligence Agency, the Bureau of Diplomatic Security, and largely the Royal Guard had all been coordinating the security for the event.

Regular preparations had been largely coordinated by the Royal Household and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

There were already several discreet, but publicly placed closed caption cameras around the streets of Lyeithen. Public surveillance was common in the Grand Kingdom of Aerion, but at least there was more privacy allowed to the residents and visitors to the resort.

As the summit approached even regular vacationers were politely informed in letters from their hotels or in letters signed personally from the Mayor of Lyeithen that Lyeithen and the Royal Wilderness Preserve were closed for the month for security reasons. The Royal Lyeithen Hotel & Spa had been closed to reservations for the month as well. Compensation to the hotel, and businesses in Lyeithen for the lost business came from the Royal Treasury itself.

The event was centralized around the Royal Lyeithen Hotel & Spa, an six star exclusive hotel. It was said the rooms at the hotel were like rooms in the Royal Palace itself. The hotel featured baroque lavish interiors. Every detail of the hotel was luxurious, down to the fixtures in the hotel and all of the rooms which were of real gold, and imported marble in all of the bathrooms. The finest materials were used in anything that was woven or cloth.

Other hotels in Lyeithen had been prepared for the staff and government officials that would be coming with the heads of state, and heads of government. This included the Lyeithen Lodge, an more rustic stone and wood style lodge two miles outside of town near natural hotsprings but still feating luxurious amenities offering five star accommodation.

Transportation was ready in the larger town of Adovaun, where the regional airport had been upgraded to accommodate more than usual business jets. Helicopters were on hand to ferry visitors to Lyeithen itself, and limousines for other visitors who chose to take the luxurious train trip through the Royal Wilderness Reserve into Lyeithen. The now heavily guarded 70 miles of two lane road through the Royal Wilderness Preserve was also available for cars. Security at the regional airport was almost as heavy as Lyeithen though on a smaller scale, with military aircraft in the air, tanks on the ground, with a plethora of Royal Guards, Diplomatic Security, and Royal Army officials.

The Knootian delegation, spearheaded by Prime Minister Felderman, arrived in style. A pair of jumbo jets flew in the Prime Ministerial delegation, along with political advisers, internal security forces, and a large delegation from the Knootian private sector.

After the formal introductory niceties, government officials settled in their hotel rooms in Lyeithen, whereas the business representatives settled in and around Adovaun. For many of the younger officials, this was as much a working holiday as it was a summit. In the end though, the luxuries, the formalities and the local environment were really irrelevant. What was important was talks. And so, the senior Knootian chadre spent most of its time preparing, and waiting for negotiations to finally to begin.

The Confederal delegation was spearheaded by President Kairis and included a host of diplomats, advisors and political figures who were known only to insiders but who wielded a great deal of influence over Confederal policy. The President was also traveling with her husband, although she had not brought her children. A blog critical of the President claimed to have a source that said she had remarked, "Kostas and I can probably have a romantic time at the resort after the talks break down." Of course, blogs say lots of things and there's no evidence that she had said this or anything like it.

In any event, no one other than the President or her husband was likely to be known by outsiders. The President was quite charming during the formal niceties and then the Confederals retired to settle in, prepare for the next day and enjoy the only evening they'd likely have to truly enjoy the spa, given how intense these things usually were.

The delegation from the Royal Government itself would be the Crown Prince Regent himself, Damoen Wasterin, and the much older Lord High Steward Riden Vesten. The Crown Prince Regent, rather than staying at the hotel, was staying at the royal estate a few miles outside of Lyeithen that was a regular retreat for the Royal Family. Acompanying him was a large number of the Royal Household staff. The Lord High Steward stayed in the hotel along with his staff. Various other Ministers of the Crown with their Deputy Ministers stayed in other hotels or their own homes in the Lyeithen area, on hand to perhaps advise or watch the situation as well as provide reports.

The Royal Guard were in full force, many wearing their ceremonial dark burgundy uniform as well. They could be seen in the streets of Lyeithen.

The Pantocratorian delegation consisted of the recently re-elected Imperial Chancellor, Dr Thibault Drapeur, the Foreign Minister Demetrios Raoul, the Defence Minister Gregory Nikomedes, the Minister for Trade Jacqueline Catala, Minister for the Environment Henri Santiago, and the Minister for Agriculture and Primary Industries Petros Hellenic, and senior members of each of their respective ministerial staff and departments, along with translators. The Imperial Chancellor had signalled that there would be a cabinet reshuffle but had not yet announced the new line up, and consequently it was possible that some of these ministers would soon change their portfolios. Nevertheless, for the time being each of them had clearly delineated responsibilities in the negotiations corresponding to their existing portfolios. The Pantocratorian delegation's agenda and division of negotiating responsibilities was circulated as follows:

SENIOR MINISTERS PRESENT
The Right Honourable Doctor Thibault Drapeur MP, Imperial Chancellor
The Honourable Monsieur Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
The Honourable Monsieur Gregory Nikomedes MP, Minister for Defence

NEGOTIATING AGENDA

Agenda Item: Anacea (Kaitan-Leagran)
Minister Responsible: Hon Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
Minister Assisting: Hon Gregory Nikomedes MP, Minister for Defence
Departmental Support: Department of Foreign Affairs

Agenda Item: Knootian over-fishing of the Atlantic
Minister Responsible: Hon Petros Hellenic MP, Minister for Agriculture and Primary Industries
Minister Assisting: Hon Henri Santiago MP, Minister for the Environment
Departmental Support: Department of Primary Industries, Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of Natural Environment and Conservation

Agenda Item: Regional Security
Minister Responsible: Rt Hon Dr Thibault Drapeur MP, Imperial Chancellor
Minister Assisting: Hon Gregory Nikomedes MP, Minister for Defence
Departmental Support: Department of the Imperial Chancellor and Cabinet, Department of Defence

Agenda Item: Terrorism
Minister Responsible: Hon Gregory Nikomedes MP, Minister for Defence
Minister Assisting: Hon Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
Departmental Support: Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of Defence

Agenda Item: Expanding regional defence and (non-trade) co-operation agreements
Minister Responsible: Rt Hon Dr Thibault Drapeur MP, Imperial Chancellor
Minister Assisting: Hon Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
Departmental Support: Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of the Imperial Chancellor and Cabinet

Agenda Item: Regional authority over international waters in the region
Minister Responsible: Hon Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
Minister Assisting: Rt Hon Dr Thibault Drapeur MP, Imperial Chancellor
Departmental Support: Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of the Imperial Chancellor and Cabinet

Agenda Item: Expanding or altering regional trade agreements
Minister Responsible: Hon Jacqueline Catala MP, Minister for Trade
Minister Assisting: Hon Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
Departmental Support: Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of International Trade

Agenda Item: People trafficking
Minister Responsible: Hon Demetrios Raoul MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs
Minister Assisting: Hon Petros Hellenic MP, Minister for Agriculture and Primary Industries
Departmental Support: Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of Special Purpose, Department of Public Safety, Department of the Attorney General

Agenda Item: Climate Change and Regional Environmental Issues
Minister Responsible: Hon Henri Santiago MP, Minister for the Environment
Minister Assisting: Hon Jacqueline Catala MP, Minister for Trade
Departmental Support: Department of Natural Environment and Conservation, Department of Foreign Affairs

Agenda Item: Financial accounting and corporate disclosure regulation
Minister Responsible: Hon Jacqueline Catala MP, Minister for Trade
Minister Assisting: Hon Petros Hellenic MP, Minister for Agriculture and Primary Industries
Departmental Support: Department of International Trade

Spearheading the Eternal Republic’s delegation was newly reelected Xirniumite prime minister Heather Gildá and the junior member of that gynocratic duumvirate so beloved of Pantocratorian talkback radio, foreign minister Eléanor Sabelinà. Present also were the ministers for trade, culture and the environment, in addition to their ministerial staff and departmental advisors. The foreign minister had surrounded herself with a host of diplomats and political subordinates, latter-day retainers of an unapologetic noble. Around the rest of the official Xirniumite suite circled galaxies of commercial representatives and quango personnel.

Morale within the diplomatic service had seen better days, and a number of politicians were more than slightly pessimistic about the prospects for the summit. For Eléanor particularly there was a sense that her government was merely going through the motions, acting as was expected of them. It had been some time since the word of the Eternal Republic had carried any real weight in world affairs, and Xirniumite delegations had long since been aloof and surly as a rule. The prime minister had identified a culture of ennui amongst the architects of Xirnium’s foreign policy, and if anyone maintained expectations for a decisive outcome at the coming conference such were based on the hope that her personal intervention would yield meaningful results.

First Day of the Summit

Though all of the rooms could be called suites in The Royal Lyeithen Hotel & Spa for they all had separate sitting rooms, not all had their own dining rooms, bars, or large walk-in closets. Every room had opulent fixtures, furniture of the finest material, and even the finest linens all baroque in style. The highest level suites had truly extravagant fixtures with real gold. It all gave one the feeling of staying in a bedroom in a château or palace. These were lined up with amazing modern conveniences in all rooms including complete touchscreen room control from a remote including lights, temperature, television, music, phone, digital portrait frames, and many other features. The rooms had recessed flatscreen televisions, touchscreen digital terminals in the desk with optional keyboards, videophones, and other conveniences available on request. There were also special settings, and features such as each room having recessed ambient lighting. The rooms could even look as if it were in a certain time of day for those guests whom were jetlagged or had preferences. For more traditional guests the concierge or hotel butlers could adjust the settings automatically to the guest's taste. The higher level suites also had their own hotel butler service, and so the delegates or officials staying in them would have had their traditionally uniformed hotel butler knock on the door at an appropriate time as set by the delegates or officials to offer room breakfest service. All the staff of the hotel wore perfectly pressed burgundy uniforms or traditional uniforms that resembled thoes worn in Victorian households of times past.

Perhaps for grandeur purposes, the hotel's Grand Ballroom was selected for the room of the actual summit. It formed almost its own building connected to the hotel, jutting out as its own wing from the rear of the hotel. It was decorated like the rest of the hotel in a grand baroque style mirroring that of a ballroom that could be found in palaces, complete with grand staircase descending from a large balcony landing. The floor was of polished marble. Two gigantic crystal chandeliers of remarkable beauty illuminated the entire room from the high ceiling along with smaller chandeliers. Large arched windows looked over the wilderness view side of the hotel, and on the other side over the streets of Lyeithen.

At the center of the Grand Ballroom a large round opulent wooden table had been placed. Carved elegantly into the table were gold filament patterns. On the table were small touchscreen digital terminals similar to computers seemingly recessed into the wood. In front of them were double sided gold plated placecards, stating the nation's full name in both English and French.

Around the table would be placed opulent baroque style golden chairs with burgundy cushions. Only enough chairs for heads of government or state or both would be placed around the actual summit table.

Lining the sides of the ballroom were rather fine polished wooden desks, also with placards on them indicating a nation in English and French. These desks were equipped with data-terminals with printers, ports for different sorts of computer equipment or fax machines for those nations requiring them. Each desk also had a multi-line phone. Behind these desks were three chairs for the other delegates such as government ministers, staff, or others accompanying the heads of state or government. Of course there these chairs were cushioned wooden office style chairs done in a more subtle baroque fashion. These could be easily moved closer to the table for those such as Ministers speaking to those seated at the summit table.

In the anteroom or receiving area of the Grand Ballroom there were rows of desks placed as well for general staff, and those not able to fit into the actual ballroom.

Hanging from the ceiling of the Grand Ballroom in rows were the flags of nations attending who had consented to hanging their flag there for the summit.

The actual press room would be contained in a separate wing of the hotel in the Snow Ballroom which featured fireplaces, and the conference rooms in that area of the hotel would be the actual briefing rooms where the participating governments could choose what they briefed their own approved press on.

Assuming various bilateral meetings had been conducted between delegates of other nations before the first day of the summit, the first plenary session of the summit would begin in the ballroom.

Damoen, Crown Prince Regent of Aerion, had been awakened early by his private secretary. He had an early morning meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Minister for Political Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry. They would all provide the clearest picture possible of what was to be achieved by the meeting, as well as informing him of all aspects of the foreign relations involved. Then he had a meeting with the various Ministers of the Crown present. The meeting would be held in the Royal Estate outside of Lyeithen, in the dining room. It was not a full meeting of the Privy Council, but rather a meeting of various Ministers or Deputy Ministers or Permanent Secretaries present along with the Lord High Steward. They would have reports related to the summit to give to Damoen, and were all connected to their Ministries.


Following the meeting, as well as another private meeting with the Lord High Steward Riden Vesten, the Crown Prince Regent finally got into his Adinas Star Coach luxury limousine and departed the Royal Estate for the The Royal Lyeithen Hotel & Spa.

Various Ministers and government officials also made their way to the hotel, some in their own Adinas Star Coach sedans. The Royal Government had their own larger conference room reserved in the hotel for backroom operations of the summit, and government staff were already getting ready in the anteroom of the ballroom. The staff of the hotel were also ready in the highest service attire with elegant uniforms or butler's suits, and white gloves.

As Damoen arrived early, many of the hotel staff did a half-bow as he stepped into the lobby. He walked down the hallways, and made his way accompanied by the much older Lord High Steward Riden Vesten. The bearded Lord High Steward was a sharp contrast to the suave jockish appearance of Damoen though they both shared the common Eastern Aerionian features of tanned skin tone. The Lord High Steward's hair was gray as well as his beard. The Lord High Steward walked with a cane though still walked with stature, and poise.

Damoen wore a slim French cut black suit with an burgundy French cuffed shirt. His tie was matte black and created an interesting look. The suit may fit in more in a high class casino, but was not without sophisication. The Lord High Steward Riden Vesten also wore a slightly larger French cut black suit, though with a simple white shirt, and plain red tie.

Crown Prince Regent Damoen Wasterin, and Lord High Steward Riden Vesten stepped into the Grand Ballroom that was already setup for the summit.

Two chairs at the table were prepared with the plaques indicating the name of the Grand Kingdom of Aerion and below it the name with title of the Crown Prince Regent Damoen Wasterin, and the Lord High Steward Riden Vesten.

The two gazed around the room, and spoke in a low voice as they nodded to the Minister of Foreign Affairs sitting at the Aerion desk along the side of the ballroom.

Thibault Drapeur acknowledged the Crown Prince and the Lord High Steward of Aerion as they entered and took their places around the table. The Imperial Chancellor had a lot on his plate in the wake of the election, and this summit came at a particularly inconvenient time from the perspective of selecting his second ministry, having it sworn in, and giving new ministers time to find their feet in their portfolio. Nevertheless, there were some important issues which needed to be discussed with Pantocratoria's neighbours in the Western Atlantic, and Drapeur was keen to have them dealt with.

One of the prime minister’s election undertakings had been to work towards a lasting resolution of the Ambâlievan question. Middle class agitation had led to the restoration of the old Estates General in the late eighteenth century, but the Statute of Home Rule was by now vastly outdated and in need of overhaul. The push for reform, if maybe not for full independence, could not much longer be ignored, and if the prime minister’s enthusiasm had so far seemed symbolic rather than tangible then it was certainly not due to any real hostility to change.

What did annoy the prime minister, though, was the manner in which her insular counterpart had chosen to take her at her word. The fiery Social Greens leader and Ambâlievan premier Séverine Augsvéllur za Nyâdriel had insisted, on the morning of the conference no less, that she personally represent her island’s interests at this first day’s summit of tsars. After much tired arguing, and not a little shouting, the prime minister had conceded her request.

So now of course there were two shiny little plaques, one for the Eternal Republic and one for her assertive dependency in the western Atlantic. The prime minister almost pitied the bewildered-looking Aerionian who had been summoned to their presence and ordered to make the arrangements, all at the last minute of course. To complicate matters further the foreign minister had insisted on attending at the table as well, in disregard of the Aerionian plea for government heads only.

The prime minister sighed and ventured a brave smile that could have been more convincing. Why, she wondered, did the Xirniumites always have to make every action a drama? She half-suspected her foreign minister even welcomed any trouble caused. No indication of recognition was given to any of the other parties at the table, but the Xirniumites immediately commenced chatting amongst themselves, although Gildá and za Nyâdriel were no longer speaking, and the foreign minister and two aides lit their cigarettes.

Drapeur's brow furrowed with irritation at the presence of the Xirniumite Foreign Minister. His Foreign Minister, and his right hand man within the Pantocratorian Socialist Alliance, was banished to the side of the room at the Pantocratorian delegation's desk. Drapeur cast a glance back at the desk and noted that Demetrios Raoul was chewing his nicotine gum with an almost manic determination, deprived as he was of an actual cigarette in the sumptuous summit chamber. With his irritable nature, distinctly proletarian manner, constant smoking, thick neck and sweaty brow, Raoul was often regarded in the international press as the least diplomatic foreign minister. Certainly the most unpleasant. And yet as Drapeur turned his irritated scowl in Sabelinà's direction, he would have preferred Raoul a hundred times over.

The Chancellor reflected on the fickle cruelty of the press, which made such sport out of his Foreign Minister's unfortunate and occasionally offensive personal habits. By contrast Eléanor Sabelinà was infuriation personified, an avalanche of pretension and conceit bottled up tightly in an outwardly graceful form. All this pretension and conceit was like champagne in a bottle with a cork almost ready to pop. Drapeur knew that the slightest mishandling, the smallest rub on the side could see that cork blasted out of the outwardly graceful vessel by the seven compressed atmospheres of infuriating diplomatic small talk and aristocratic affect. He could already see the Xirniumite briefing papers flying across the table like the champagne spraying out of the bottle. And yet, in the ultimate injustice to Demetrios Raoul, Drapeur thought, the worst even the most reactionary press could come up with was to label Eléanor Sabelinà as an "unnatural woman" and would be gynocratic-tyrant.

Perhaps the injustice seemed all the greater and Sabelinà seemed all the more irritating due to the very fact that she was the only Foreign Minister seated with the heads of state and government around the table. In any event, Drapeur decided it was better to deliberately pull the cork out of the bottle rather than wait and remove it by accident. At least this way he might be able to control the direction of the spray.

"Pardon me, Prime Minister Gildá," Drapeur began, feeling the need to differentiate her from the Knootian Prime Minister in the form of address he employed (mostly because the new Knootian Prime Minister had the usual look of a cro-magnon neocon and might otherwise get confused). "It appears that your staff may have made an error. As you can see, only the heads of government and state are seated here, except for Minister Sabelinà. Good morning, Minister, by the way. Perhaps the Minister would like to take her place at your delegation's table, as my ministerial colleagues have done at theirs? Or the ministerial colleagues of everyone else seated around the table for that matter?"

Crown Prince Damoen Wasterin, and the Lord High Steward had greeted the Imperial Chancellor of Pantocratoria politely. Damoen nor Riden personally recalled meeting Dr. Thibault Drapeur before. The Royal Family of Aerion favored the Imperial Family of Pantocratoria, but this man was of a whole different entity. An entity that the Lord High Steward as a monarchist did not entirely favor.

Lord High Steward Riden Vesten was an elderly statesman, and had lived through the past fascist government of Aerion. He had served in the first royal government before the fascist government, and the restoral of the monarchy afterwards. Though he served, like other Great Officers of State and Ministers of the Crown, at the pleasure of the Sovereign. Because of the Crown Prince’s delay, and almost refusal to accept the Crown the Lord High Steward had gained more influence as the Crown Prince allowed him to govern practically independently the day to day activities of the Royal Government. In the eyes of the international community he would be considered the head of government, and was often referenced as such. It was the Lord High Steward rather than the Crown Prince Regent who had up until recently shaped domestic, and foreign policy.

There had been some debate over his unusual almost archaic medieval title as causing confusion in the international community though most allies knew differently. The Lady Chancellor, a position held by HRH Princess Ameria Wasterin, was the ceremonial chief diplomatic officer of the Grand Kingdom. The Lord High Steward was equivalent of the Chancellor or Prime Minister in other governments.

As to the Xirniumite delegation, and their general improper activity neither the Crown Prince nor the Lord High Steward had immediate reaction. As Drapeur spoke, and it became clear what it was about the Crown Prince Regent only subtly gulped. Though he had become a calm spiritual man, the Crown Prince Regent was not well experienced with international relations. He had left most attendance at such international events to his more calculating social sister unless he had a large entourage with him. The Lord High Steward only gave a surprised glance at the foreign minister, and prepared to speak. The diplomatic cables sent to the embassies, and to the foreign ministries of each nation in attendance had made the proper format of the event quiet clear. The summit had not simply been thrown together, but rather prepared through diplomatic channels. The actions of the Xirniumite Foreign Minister obviously flew in the face of the rules of the occasion. It was an obvious diplomatic blunder to be certain.

Riden Vesten cleared his throat, “Yes, this was the proper declared format of the occasion. If Minister Sabelinà could please take her seat at the desk it would be much appreciated. The round table is for heads of state, and government.”

The prime minister looked a mixture of embarrassment and mild resentment at the timing and public nature of Drapeur’s observation. The countess was first to reply, which helped save face a little.

‘It was not my intention to offend either sensibilities or protocol, Monsieur Drapeur,’ Sabelinà drawled, shrugging with the uncomprehending expression of a Christian martyr who forgives but can never understand the hystetria of his persecutors. ‘I’ll be very happy to watch from the side. Good morning to you as well.’

Eléanor Sabelinà finished her conversation and her cigarette and then withdrew to the rest of the delegation, where a few diplomats were frowning a little after having lost wagers on a louder and more fizzy show.

"Of course, Ms. Sabelinà," Viscountess Kairis said as she glanced up at the Xirniumite foreign minister. Of course, Kairis was basically the Confederal Foreign Minister or, more properly, the Head of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Kairis glanced briefly at Drapeur and ventured a small smile although her overall expression was more tired than anything else. The entire Confederal delegation, far from showing the eagerness for an international liberal order which had characterized past appearances, seemed weary and a little confused as to exactly why they were here.

Kairis straightened slightly in her chair, folding her hands in front of her on the table as she waited for the substantive proceedings to get underway. Her gaze settled, after a pause, on the Crown Prince. Her brown eyes scrutinized him rather intensely before she gave a small nod, adjusting the papers in front of her.

Damoen only gazed on silently as his Lord High Steward Riden Vesten began to speak. He had given a brief nod to Kairis, a bit of a nervous glance, and then looked over to the Lord High Steward. The elderly man was not well known on the international scene, but was well versed in speaking on government issues. He cleared his throat in an old crackling manner before speaking in slow old measured tones, "Today...is the first plenary session of the First Western Atlantic Summit. We have all prepared by diplomatic cable. I believe that we all know one another so I hope formal introductions will not be necessary, and that we may go straight into the talks. The first most pressing issue that most parties here were interested in discussing was the issue of Anacea, officially known as the Bailiwick of Kaitan-Leageran."

He cleared his throat once again, and continued to speak though measuring his tones. "The position of the Grand Kingdom of Aerion is that Kaitan-Leagran will need external...em...assistance in order to remain free of sectarian violence. A report was released by the Royal Institute of International Affairs, a think tank of esteemed members from every sector in Aerion. This report, entited "Kaitan-Leagran: From Religious Extremism to United Democracy" states that the challenges related to Kaitan-Leagran are inherent in the general population of Kaitan-Leagran. Dr. Rapurth Epoasae, Professor of Religious Studies at the Royal University of Astevane and renowned sociologist of religion, states that the population of Kaitan-Leagran is characterized by at best a religious fundamentalist way of thinking, and at worst an extremist way of thinking. He states in his article in the report that the people of Kaitan-Leagran are actually very much alike in their way of thinking, and that truly there are only external differences of religious tradition. He further states that a cessation of extremist, and fundamentalist thinking will be required not only in the social institutions but also in the individual citizens of Kaitan-Leagran. He recommends diversity will need to become a part of the message from official institutions, and from the media. He recommends transforming the public education system of Kaitan-Leagran to promote some diversity, and tolerance. Compulsory education, and a standardized educational system will aid in these developments. Political institutions require international advisors so that they may better function. The Royal Government supports these ideas, and feels that international guidance is still needed in Kaitan-Leagran."

The old bearded man completed his long report having sounded almost like a schoolteacher himself.

Kairis tensed as she listened to the man speak. She forced a small smile when he finished, leaning forward. She couldn't help but be reminded of the conflict the Confederated Peoples had had with Aerion roughly a year ago over Prince Damoen's desire to become to Kaitan-Legrian monarch. Nonetheless, she cracked a small smile and chose her words carefully, "The Confederated Peoples, along with the Fiefdom, continues to provide substantial aid to Kaitan-Leagran through the IAA, an organization whose membership is open to any nation wishing to contribute. The IAA is currently engaged in providing not just economic aid but training and advice to help the Kaitan-Legrians establish a democratic society. We would certainly hope that more Western Atlantic nations would join and would provide assistance in a manner consistent with Kaitan-Legrian sovereignty and we would also be willing to consider other possible schemes for providing assistance with the caveat that we will not give more than a provisional endorsement to any program until the Kaitan-Legrian government has been consulted and has given its approval. We would also remind the world that the Confederated Peoples remains a guarantor of Kaitan-Leagran sovereignty with all that that implies and we would ask this body to precede any further discussion, given that recognition remains an issue in some parts of the world, with an unconditional acknowledgement of the sovereignty of the Kaitan-Legrian people." A few of her aids glanced at Eleanor at this, smirking faintly at the Xirniumite so famous for holding just such a position.

Heather Gildá glanced distractedly in the direction of the nearest window, then inspected a nail as the Aerionian spoke. She bristled a little at the smirks directed towards her foreign minister but made sure to keep any hint of defensiveness well out of her voice when her turn came. When she addressed the table it was with apologetic a tone and devoid of the smile of her Confederal counterpart.

‘Forgive me my friends,’ began the prime minister, ‘but I’m afraid I’m not entirely convinced that Kaitan-Leagran makes for the most natural starting point in today’s discussions. Rather than turning our minds to the individual problems of the West Atlantic, might it not be more productive to first work towards some mechanism, some permanent facilitative structure, with which we could address not only the Kaitan-Leagrian question but future regional problems as well?

‘Regarding Kaitan-Leagran herself, it’s not entirely clear to me that there is all that much to discuss. I can’t help but agree, as Lord Vesten does,’ she added, nodding to the old man, ‘with the wisdom of establishing compulsory secular education. Short of making such a condition precedent to foreign development aid, however, I don’t really see how the Aerionian government intends to have carried out such sorely needed reform.

‘If that is precisely what Lord Vesten is suggesting, in other words that we use the threat of withdrawing aid as a means of compelling the Kaitan-Leagrian government to adopt policies we feel would be in their best interests, then at the risk of sounding presumptious I might hazard to guess that the Confederals will have more than a few objections to make. The alternative of course is for the Aerionian government, or perhaps this conference, to present its ideas to the Kaitan-Leagrian government and, not to put too fine a point on it, see them all duly rejected. I’m sure if you ask her politely the Viscountess Kairis will tell you just how successful she has been in counselling our mutual friends in the past.

‘The simple fact is that the church schools of Kaitan-Leagran are much too important to the various ethno-religious communities of the island, as a tool for instructing the next generation in their task of carrying on the sectarian struggle, to ever be dispensed with without real coercion. That is the reality.

‘Kaitan-Leagran has and will continue to make her own mistakes. If one disagrees with some or most of their choices, if for instance one is sceptical of their latest, rather bizarre and quixotic, monarchical adventure, then I suggest that all one can do is play no part in their folly. This is what my Government has thus far done. We will not funnel aid into the hands of a government that squanders it on sectarian church schools, sabotaging its own economic future, and which violates the core pillars of religious freedom. We will not endorse a state that styles herself Protestant when two thirds of the island are not.

‘Barring the formation of some kind of international consensus to collectively withhold all foreign aid unless and until certain agreed upon conditions are met, which is something my government may be willing to support, I submit that really there’s nothing left to discuss, at least insofar as Kaitan-Leagran’s internal situation is concerned.’

"I don't think religious schools are the problem." Dr Drapeur began. "The RIIA report to which His Excellency referred is correct - the fundamental problem in Anacea is its general population. I disagree with Dr Epoasae, however. The differences between the various groups on the island are not simply religious, they're religious, ethnic, and political. There is a long established pattern of religious oppression on the island. The fact that the latest Anacean government maintains symbolic gestures of the recent past of sectarian oppression, like referring to the country as a Protestant Bailiwick despite Protestants composing a minority of both the government and the population, is symptomatic of it having no real interest in addressing the underlying problems in Anacean society. I don't mean to suggest, of course, that the government has no interest in maintaining the relative peace. It just seems to hope that this will be accomplished by a national unity government. A national unity government is impossible where there is no real unity amongst the population."

"Unless the government of Anacea adopts policies likely to address the situation, Pantocratoria will not provide any assistance to it." Drapeur concluded. "And in a similar vein to what you said, Prime Minister, I do not see, beyond that, any of us can do about the internal policies of the Anacean government."

Riden Vesten responded to Kairis, "Yes, of course. We fully respect Kaitan-Leagran sovereignty, and have no intentions of infringing on their sovereignty. His Royal Highness's only interest in Kaitan-Leagran was to assist in helping to bring peace, and prosperity to the nation."

For the first time in the summit Damoen spoke up, in a very dignified measured tone when it came down to actually speaking, "My foundation donated several million to help restore infrastructure before the new government of Kaitan-Leagran was formed as I know the IAA did as well. Various Aerionian organizations had been giving some assistance as well. As long as the basic needs of the people of Kaitan-Leagran are being met I will say that we should cut off assistance until less sectarian policies are in place. Are we also discussing economic sanctions? Though this may only aggravate the situation. We should hope that the standard of living is raised in Kaitan-Leagran so that the people may shift their focus to becoming successful productive citizens. Several Aerionian megacorporations are interested in expanding into Kaitan-Leagran to provide jobs there. Though I do not give my approval to such plans." He cleared his throat briefly. He seldom directly spoke against the Aerionian megacorporations, but he could not help but disdain them in his own nation. In his eyes they were responsible for both restoring Aerion, and ruining the nation. Oppressive capitalism and classism at worst.

"I don't see any reasonable cause for economic sanctions nor will the Confederated Peoples participate in any sanctions regime," Kairis said. "A year ago, Kaitan-Leagran was a war zone. Now it isn't. A year ago, Kaitan-Leagran was effectively a collection of theocracies. Now democracy is taking root. What exactly are the grounds for economic sanctions? That there are religious schools, just as there are in the Confederated Peoples, in Pantocratoria and in Abt? That instead of a truly national party system we have explicitly sectarian parties coming together to form a power-sharing government? Surely that is a natural stage of democratization in any nation recovering from a sectarian past. It is how all the nation's religious and ethnic communities express their willingness to come together in a common public space."

"However, I do agree with the Prime Minister," she glanced towards Gilda and gave her a warm smile. "Kaitan-Leagran is not the best place to begin our discussions. I do not believe it top be a crisis situation at present, despite what some others have said. I do not believe it is entirely appropriate to discuss the situations of specific nations at venues where are not represented. Moreover, I believe that some discussion of general mechanisms would help make any discussion of specific cases more fruitful."

‘Thank you, President Kairis,’ replied Heather Gildá. ‘Yes, I am firmly of a mind that of all we can hope to achieve here today, most important would be taking a first step towards the creation of a permanent body for the regulation of the principles of international dispute resolution.

‘The model that my government favours would exist as the primary judicial organ of a broader Europe-Atlantic supranational organisation committed to promoting the ideals of international cooperation, peace and security. This permanent tribunal would be invested with the power to hear any dispute of an international character which the parties had submitted to it for arbitration and which was of a nature suitable for judicial settlement. With respect to the latter I envision primarily questions belonging to the categories of the customary international law, the interpretation of treaties, allegations of and claims for reparations following breaches of international obligation, and the like.

‘Nations signatory to the treaty establishing this permanent tribunal would agree to submit a dispute for arbitration whenever one arose which they had failed to settled satisfactorily by the means of traditional diplomacy, and whenever they deemed it to fall within the category of disputes suitable for judicial settlement. These nations would also agree to abide by any decision rendered by the tribunal. The executive organ of the association of Europe-Atlantic countries I referred to previously would propose the steps to be taken in the event of any failure to carry out decisions rendered. Of course, the parties could always agree to have their dispute dealt with by an alternative arbitrative or mediative forum if such were deemed appropriate or desirable in all the circumstances.

‘I should like it now if I might take a moment to gauge your reactions to this proposal. I shall pause only to add that my government stands committed to lending all of its weight behind this initiative if it should be met with any international interest or approval.’

"The Confederated Peoples could support such a mechanism if it were part of a broader multilateral organization which could help build the sort of common identity in which alone such an organization could be successful and functional," Kairis said. "Such an organization would have to include permanent political bodies, arrangements for economic cooperation, a labor and human regime and collective security arrangements."

"Article Eight of the Treaty of Courtland (http://ns.goobergunch.net/wiki/treaty_of_courtland.html) provides a conflict resolution mechanism to resolve disputes between signatory nations. The rest of the articles in the treaty describe a whole mechanism for cooperation on a number of issues." began Thibault Drapeur. "I am aware that not every nation represented here is an existing signatory of the Treaty of Courtland, but certainly, I think it would be fair to say that every nation here represented would be welcome to become a signatory to the treaty. I don't think that what you are proposing, Prime Minister, is an entirely novel concept in the region, nor do I think it is sensible to construct an entirely new diplomatic structure from scratch, so to speak."

"The Pantocratorian Government would like to see the Treaty of Courtland expanded to include all the nations represented here." Drapeur continued. "We would be prepared to support expanding the degree of engagement envisioned in the existing treaty, to include, for instance, an Atlantic Court along the lines of the judicial body the Prime Minister suggested, the common defence, industrial relations, and human rights arrangements suggested by Madame la Vicomtesse. Would you all be interested in discussing either an expansion of the Treaty of Courtland or a successor treaty which would replace it?"

‘Notwithstanding your concerns with respect to the novelty of my proposal, Monsieur le Chancelier,’ began the Prime Minister, ‘I feel compelled to inquire as to whether your own alternative vision for expanding the scope of, and participation in, the Treaty of Courtland might not prove a fraught exercise. I will confess that my familiarity with the Treaty of Courtland is somewhat cursory, and if I ever studied its mechanisms for redrafting articles or admitting new signatories it was long ago, but would I not be safe in assuming that something like the unanimous consensus of all current signatory Governments is needed for both? I seem to recall something to that effect.

‘I take a look around this table and find that most of the original parties to the Treaty of Courtland are unrepresented at this conference. It strikes me therefore unwise to discuss the possibility of including in the treaty protocols for establishing a Europe-Atlantic Court, or provisions for protecting fundamental freedoms, or even admitting our countries as new members, given that we haven’t an inkling what the other signatory states might think of our taking a red marker pen to the Treaty of Courtland. Intending of course no disrespect towards the clout your Government’s words doubtless carry amongst your allies, Monsieur le Chancelier.’

The Lord High Steward cleared his throat, glancing toward the Crown Prince. He spoke purposefully, "With all due respect we feel that the Treaty of Courtland is not specific to the Western Atlantic, and would prefer an organization which would encompass only regional matters. We have a proposal we wish to present for a Western Atlantic Treaty Organization that would encompass a mutual defence pact, and to form a council to deal with regional issues. The specifics of such are not yet ironed out, however we do have a general format. The foundation of the Western Atlantic Treaty Organization would be the Western Atlantic Council. This council could then handle many of the details, and specifics that we are unable to deal with in a single summit such as dispute resolution. We would propose that the council meet on three different levels at different times in special configurations. The first foundational meeting would be the Permanent Council representatives meeting in permanent session as similar to the UN or other international organizations. Each signatory nation would establish an permanent mission to the organization. There would be a WATO headquarters established for offices of the permanent missions of each nation, and to serve as the main offices of the organization. The next would be a possibly quarterly Ministerial Session. This meeting of the council would have each of the foreign ministers of each nation present to discuss more major issues. Finally there would be an annual summit meeting of the council with the heads of state and government meeting in session. The Western Atlantic Council would be chaired by the Secretary General of the Western Atlantic Treaty Organization, who would serve as the figurehead for the organization. There are of course other details, and proposals though this is the very basic idea." He cleared his throat.

A few moments later three well dressed waiters in butler style uniform brought in iced water pitchers with trays of glasses which they placed at intervals around the table with the glasses for each delegate.

As the servants bustled into the room, bringing their pitchers of water, Heather Gildá half-turned to regard them with curiosity. She also looked at Lord Vesten and waited hopefully to see if he would fill his glass and drink. The Prime Minister could be neurotic at times and had found the annoying little half-cough he invariably made at every pause in speech most distracting and irritable. Had he hailed from the Bright Republic and not Aerion she would have been certain he was doing it on purpose, just to grate on her nerves, Xirniumites seldom annoyed unintentionally.

The Countess of House Numêsalquó was a case in point. She had taken to tapping on the rim of her empty glass the solo hardingfele composition that concluded Anfängär’s whimsical “Partitia” in B Flat Major.

‘I believe that what His Excellency means,’ the Prime Minister explained to the rest of the delegates at the table, ‘is that the Treaty of Courtland was created in response to an international climate quite dissimilar to today’s. Obviously both the Treaty of Courtland and any new cooperative framework that we might work towards during this conference would share the characteristic of dealing substantially with a similar geopolitical region. But the Treaty of Courtland must and can only be understood, I think, within the peculiar context of the Excalbian Crisis of the day. I do not believe there existed at the time the same yearning, or dare I say feeling of urgency, to create a common Europe-Atlantic identity that one can feel today, notwithstanding the rhetoric of the then Daatman Government. Any hope for broadening the scope of the Treaty of Courtland, and I know that such at least was voiced often enough within sections of the Resurgent Dream, failed to materialise, and I fear the chance for such has slipped all us by, in part for the reasons I outlined before.

‘Of course, where I fear His Excellency has got it quite wrong is with his insisted emphasis on the collective security purposes and function of the organisation, and on his Government’s resulting desire to forge a military alliance. What is actually needed is a multi-purpose organisation with much loftier aspirations than that of any mere council of securocrats. The alternative will be better placed to manage international affairs and to arbitrate conflict, it will facilitate multilateral cooperation across a broad spectrum of issues and provide a catalyst for open diplomacy. Her Ladyship the Viscountess touched on this before and I think she was quite right. We should be remiss if we squandered this opportunity.

‘Our friends in the Aerionian delegation would have us put the cart before the horse in their attempt to define a structure and organisation before we have even agreed upon any purposes or function. I should not want to do the same, so I will say nothing more for the moment.’

"Call it a hangover from the years I spent teaching history, but I feel I cannot stay quiet after hearing the Treaty of Courtland and the context of its negotiation misrepresented so." Thibault Drapeur interjected. "First, it was not simply a response to the crisis in the Excalbian Isles over the issue of Saxmere's secession from the Sovereign States. That misrepresents the nature of the treaty. The Treaty of Courtland ensures that no other similar situation in the Atlantic could escalate to the level of crisis the Saxmerean secession did, or could have done. The Treaty is an effective tool for resolving issues of policy difference in a co-operative fashion. To imply that a treaty which already does so much of whatever new arrangement you are proposing, Prime Minister, would do, is no longer relevant, or has somehow passed us by, as you say... is just... a statement for which I can find no basis."

"All the signatories* of the Treaty of Courtland are here assembled. We could decide at this very meeting to admit as many new members as would like to be involved." Drapeur said. "We already have the basic mechanisms established for dispute resolution and co-operation in the Treaty of Courtland. I don't see why we shouldn't simply expand the existing treaty rather than attempt to reinvent the wheel, so to speak. Alternatively, we could use the Treaty of Courtland as a template for negotiating a completely new agreement, I suppose, perhaps more along the lines of the WATO proposal, or in another direction, what have you."


OOC: *which still exist - fractal reality and all that to determine whether you think the other signatories actually exist despite their lack of NS status.

The Crown Prince Regent and the Lord High Steward had been whispering to each other for a few moments. Finally it seemed that it was determined that Damoen would himself speak.

He smiled briefly, "The Treaty of Courtland is an excellent framework, and I do feel that parts of it would be useful to us. However, I feel that the WATO proposal is one that will provide a sound structure for primarily Western Atlantic nations to handle Western Atlantic issues. The Treaty of Courtland was written for another time, and another crisis. We are trying to improve regional cooperation, and have a channel through which to discuss regional issues exclusively. I feel the Treaty of Courtland would not be precisely appropriate for these issues."

Damoen spoke in a kind, professional tone. It sounded as if he could have been a family doctor if he were not born the Crown Prince of Aerion. He took a sip of water upon finishing.

Kairis leaned back slightly, "I'm afraid someone is going to have to explain to me how the Treaty of Courtland is not specific to the Western Atlantic. We will, of course, have to make a few minor changes to make the whole Western Atlantic eligible but the essential instrument simply is, already, a regional instrument."

She paused a moment, "However, I do share some of Prime Minister Gilda's concerns. I worry about the economic and social consequences of simply admitting all nations present to the Treaty of Courtland without also creating a specific instrument to ensure the rights of labor, consumers and the environment against possible abuses by megacorporations. The Confederated Peoples can only agree to the proposed expansion if it also includes an enforcable social component."

"We never insisted on such measures to protect against megacorporations or rogue businesses in existing signatories, Madame la Vicomtesse," Drapeur observed, glancing at the Knootian Prime Minister for a moment, before looking back to Kairis. "But nevertheless I think it a good idea. And I have to agree that nothing has fundamentally changed in the few years since the Treaty of Courtland was written which makes it specific to a bygone era. Like other treaties it is a living document, free to be renegotiated or replaced, but I see such renegotiation as an evolutionary process. We can expand upon certain aspects of the Treaty and introduce new articles. If anything, I wouldn't want us to hark back to a bygone era by creating a new SATO, for instance, in the form of what Your Highness proposes. I think we've moved beyond the need for a simple military alliance with a trade agreement tacked onto it. The most appropriate arrangement for the current situation in the Western Atlantic would be an entangling agreement which addressed our shared geopolitical, diplomatic, economic and social concerns. Our common concerns about human rights, equitable regional trade, regional diplomatic dispute resolution, governmental cooperation, and yes, regional defence, can be easily addressed through expanding the existing Treaty of Courtland."

‘If I might beg to address the table,’ requested the Countess of House Numêsalquó , ‘I think that the symbolic worth of establishing a new cooperative regional framework has been rather underestimated. That the Treaty of Courtland is today plainly insufficient I think no one here doubts. Whether we choose to work with it, extending its longevity by making such amendments as we must, or merely choose to base a successor treaty on its existing text, an option I would favour if only for its economic elegance – starting from scratch seems to me so needlessly tedious – it seems clear that much substantive expansion will be needed. But more important than a treaty’s articles and clauses is the collective spirit with which it is embraced, and the diplomatic culture that develops between the nations that uphold its framework. The Treaty of Courtland embodies an international order for the Europe-Atlantic region that simply no longer exists, and thus both its founding context and the diplomatic architecture that has developed around it is outdated. That it embodies such an order is evidenced by the very nature of the document, and I refer here to the toothless provisions designed to allow powerful unilateral flexibility.

‘But to my earlier point, three of the signatories to the Treaty of Courtland no longer intervene remarkably in the affairs of the world, they represented one third of what was once the Entente. Another nation has experienced profound constitutional changes that have altered her worldview as well as her domestic political structure, in addition to undergoing confederal union with other nations - at least one once a world power in her own right - not previously signatory to the Treaty of Courtland. The subtle changes in Knootian foreign policy following the Excalbian Crisis would take longer to explore, but I believe I have shown in any case that the old international order has frayed. More importantly, however, new regional powers, developed and developing, have come to prominence and in doing so rendered the old international order increasingly obsolete. The intergovernmental structures of the Treaty of Courtland proved too clumsy and insufficient to address the complex legal and geopolitical issues posed by the People’s Fiefdom’s intervention in Kaitan-Leagran, or the strife that followed. The Treaty of Courtland failed to adapt to the changed international landscape created by the Tartarian Empire’s imperialist expansion in the region, and stood quiet as a race for colonisation threatened to develop in its own backyard, involving another of the new powers that has emerged since the days of the Exclabian Crisis, Abt.

‘Doubtless these problems can all be addressed, that is to stay the institutionalised intergovernmental diplomatic pathologies behind the Treaty of Courtland can be cured, but not with just the stroke of a pen. They require something more, a decisive break with the past. One can acknowledge the important contribution that the Treaty of Courtland has made to the development of international law, indeed recognise lineal descent from the framework in any new treaty agreed on in this conference, while making this one important symbolic step.’

"I move for a ten minute recess that we might confer with our advisors and with one another on specific proposals to be tabled," Kairis said, simply enough. She looked at the Aeronian who was, at least nominally, presiding.

‘I second the motion of her Ladyship the Viscountess Kairis,’ agreed the Prime Minister, looking more relieved than irritated, as she stood from her chair and was instantly swept into dark, whispered conversation with three of her aides.

Drapeur sat quietly watching the Countess expound on the apparently antiquated nature of the Treaty of Courtland, with a look which said more eloquently than any diplomatic language would permit - Are you still here? By and large he could accept her point of view as a valid one, however, and was gradually becoming less resistant to the idea of an entirely new treaty, albeit one based on the old Treaty. He nodded as Kairis moved for a short recess, and then arched an eyebrow in surprise as his Xirniumite counterpart seconded the motion and then rose from the table before the motion had been agreed.

"I take it we're in recess for a short while then, Your Highness?" Drapeur clarified with Prince Dameon.

Far behind him, at the Pantocratorian delegation's table, Foreign Minister Demetrios Raoul was already making a break for the door so that he could get outside and smoke.

As soon as the motion was seconded, the Lord High Steward had glanced at the Crown Prince Regent then nodded, "Yes, a 10 minute recess then." This time he had not cleared his throat, the water he sipped had helped.

The Crown Prince nodded to the others, and arose first before the Lord High Steward. He had punched something in the consoel at the table. As the recess was convened, a lady rose from the Aerionian desk at the side of the room. The prim, classy middle aged woman had graying hair. Her presence, and bearing gave her the air of nobility though she did not carry a title. She wore an very subdued black business woman's suit with skirt, and gray shirt underneath. She was perhaps known to some in the room, perhaps not. She was the Deputy Minister for Political Affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and was head of Aerion's Diplomatic Service. She coordinated foreign affairs activities on a daily bais.

Before Adelina could speak to Damoen, Drapeur addressed him. He nodded, "Yes, it appears so Excellency."

There was a table of light refreshments and finger foods in the anteroom of the Grand Ballroom though some of it had been picked through by the outer workers. There was even wine available served by burgundy vested bartenders.

Beyond the barriers arranged around the outside of the hotel, various news crews that had not made it into the preferred press room flashed cameras or had news anchors speaking live as bright lights shone on their faces. These were provincial news crews or news crews from various cities, and reporters from newspapers across the Grand Kingdom of Aerion and possibly from overseas such as those of nations who are not attending the summit.

The desks for each country in the anteroom were probably busy with the many other officials who could not fit into the Grand Ballroom.

The discussions had spiraled, and by mutual agreement the summit was recessed for a full day and ahalf. This gave many of the visiting diplomats more time to enjoy Lyeithen while various draft documents were prepared for possible alliances, treaties, and the like. This also gave more time for bilateral discussions between the individual nations present, an unusual opportunity given the concentration of heads of government in one place.

The hotsprings of the hotel, luxury goods stores and unique shops of the town, and beautiful surrounding nature trails (if it were not for the security) would all prove attractive activities for the delegations as well as the press. The hotel had beautiful yet small gardens on one side, but also held for the enjoyment of guests an wooded park outside of town where guests could go undisturbed.

President Kairis retired to her rooms with her aides for nearly an hour of conversation. A few Confederals then left the room and sought out the other delegates. They spent hour after hour drafting specific documents with the others, usually expressing support for the positions of Xirnium and Pantocratoria. Every now and again one or more of them would head back to report to President Kairis and receive some more specific instructions. After many hours, a general understanding was reached. Leaving it to others to type out the final draft, the Confederals retired to one of the sitting rooms where at least one of them remained posted to hear of the final completion of the documents.

Meanwhile, Kairis made her way down to the hot springs in her modest black bathing suit. She smiled slightly as she slipped down into the water. One of her attendants brought her a frozen fruit beverage native to her home Member of Bilbtoria. She brought it to her lips and let out a small sigh as she slipped down into the water, exhausted from working on the rather contentious agreement.

Leaving the appropriate staff to see to the administrivia which appeared to be the primary hold-up in negotiations, Drapeur retired to a room in his suite with Foreign Minister Raoul, and the two began discussions about the composition of the next Imperial Cabinet, due to be announced and sworn in shortly after the delegation's return. Raoul's nicotine addiction soon saw the room thick with cigarette smoke, as he and the Chancellor poured over releases and wrote names and portfolios in different combinations on a portable whiteboard. The pair were only occasionally attended to by the Chancellor's staff, mostly to bring them refreshment or requested documents.

"There's been a lot of nervousness amongst the Constantinople Party ministers too." Raoul pointed out after Drapeur wiped off yet another combination of names from the whiteboard.

"Well that's really a matter for them. By and large I'll be taking Bolkus' advice about which of his people he wants in the cabinet." Drapeur nodded. "There are a few I'd like to be rid of altogether who Bolkus seems committed to. I've spoken to him about them... I might be able to dump Hellenic, Bolkus doesn't seem to be too opposed to that idea, so long as he can nominate a successor."

"And he has no problem with you selecting their portfolios yourself?" Raoul clarified. "I know I've said so already, but that honestly surprises me."

"Well, obviously he'll remain Deputy Chancellor no matter what." Drapeur nodded. "He wants Cultural Development and Agriculture and Primary Industries to remain with his party. He has indicated that he'd be happy to remain as Minister for Cultural Development, but he'd probably prefer to move onto another portfolio himself..."

Kairis's eyes had drifted entirely closed when she was startled alert by the sudden presence of a hand on her leg. She jerked upright only to see her husband, Kostas, had slipped in next to her. The President let out a small laugh before splashing him. "Where have you been anyway?"

"Trying to get away," he explained bluntly. "If I have to listen to Bachelin and Radini talk about the competitive advantages of energy intensive production techniques for another second, I...well, I don't know what." He smirked faintly and stretched, lowering his arm around his wife's shoulder.

"It's my job to listen to it," Kairis said as she leaned into him slightly. "What do you think Drapeur's doing? His people didn't really seem to be communicating with him much on the negotiations themselves."

"How would I know?" Kostas asked. "Maybe he just went to sleep right after the meeting adjourned."

Kairis shrugged slightly and leaned upwards, lightly pressing her lips against her husband's. "He should have brought someone to enjoy the springs with."

"She's fucked us, you know that." Raoul complained to Drapeur as he put out yet another cigarette, pressing its ashen end into a pile of butts and ash which almost completely concealed the rest of the ashtray.

"I'm not sure it's her personally." Drapeur replied, almost mournful about the direction the conversation had taken.

"Well she hasn't helped, that's for damn sure." Raoul replied.

"Certainly." Drapeur nodded. "But I can't move her out of Treasury, there'd be a revolt."

"I know." Raoul nodded. "Her supporters wouldn't take my being made Treasurer in her place."

"It'd end me. It would be all I would do in the time I have left just to keep the caucus in check." Drapeur replied. "I still have things I want to do before I go. I'll never get them done with a party in full-fledged rebellion."

"I know." Raoul sighed. He wanted the Treasury so badly, but he knew it wasn't realistic, politically. "She's just... a noose around the Government's neck."

"A popular noose." Drapeur pointed out.

"In the party room, yes." Raoul snorted. "The public would just as happily lynch her as the Great Turk."

"We're getting carried away with hangings." Drapeur observed with a dry smile. After a few seconds of silence, the smile faded and Drapeur's expression turned back to its usual one of melancholic seriousness. "You'll have to start now, you know."

"What are you talking about?" Raoul asked.

"The leadership." Drapeur replied, letting the word sink in. "I am going to retire before the year is out. If you are going to beat Folquet, you will need to start now."

"How long are we talking about?" Raoul inquired.

"December at the latest, but if you need me to go earlier... perhaps as soon as August." Drapeur replied. "Whenever you think you'll have the upper hand in the leadership contest between then, I'll go."

"It's going to be hard..." Raoul observed.

"Very hard. She's very popular in the caucus." Drapeur agreed. "You need to start now."

Dinner at the Royal Lyeithen Hotel & Spa could easily be ordered by room service through the butlers available to the many suites or in other rooms by phone as well as the menu on the screen, or in one of three fine dining rooms. There was also a twenty-four hour café near the lobby that served a variety of coffee drinks and light fair.

The well suited waiters wearing similar uniforms as the other staff presented very impressive menus with velvet covers, and parchment interiors.

The menus were quiet extensive, almost books. Of note the main menu was very French in style, high cuisine. Several courses would be served with the dinner specials. The more native Aerionian cuisine available was similar to Indian or Thai food with a local flavor of more meat. A huge selection of fine wines imported from all over were available, including many from the various countries gathered. There were even wines from the time of the Sun King.

Aerionian high society had adopted much of the culture, and customs from other high societies as other nations often did elsewhere in the world. France, Italy, and Britain were often the inspirations for high society social customs, food, and culture.

Some weeks later, negotiations had proceeded to a point where the heads of government could return to Lyeithen for the concluding days of the summit. A set of complete master copies of the Treaty of Lyeithen, establishing the Atlantic International Organisation and replacing the Treaty of Courtland, had been prepared and one now sat before each delegation, gathered around the negotiating table one last time.

Thibault Drapeur's eyes passed over the text again, now prepared in its official form, although he didn't really read it. He had already read the completed draft several times, and hundreds of pairs of eyes in his department had poured over the thing by now more times than could be counted. The points had been argued over with his cabinet colleagues and with various public servants in diverse departments, but the Pantocratorian delegation was finally satisfied with the end treaty. Privately, Drapeur was still surprised that Aerion was prepared to sign the treaty at all, and was curious as to why the new, supposedly ultraright Knootian Government hadn't tried to leverage in a whole raft of surprise trade obligations. Nevertheless, these were pleasant surprises, and Drapeur found himself particularly admiring Aerion's Lord High Steward, Riden Vesten, more than he had ever expected to do so, for the courage he had displayed in championing a treaty which perhaps was going further than anyone his government had anticipated it would.

Change, as Drapeur knew only too well, was never easy. Just a few years before, Drapeur had committed his then incoming government to a spate of reforms which seemed just as revolutionary to deeply conservative Pantocratoria as the requirements of the final draft of the Treaty of Lyeithen must have, at that moment, seemed to Vesten and his royal master, and the rest of the host nation. It hadn't been easy, and the popularity of the Socialists and Drapeur personally had taken a pounding in opinion polls as a result, but most of the infrastructure of lasting social reform which Drapeur had committed to introduce was now extant, and removing it would be at least as difficult as constructing it. Large scale social reforms weren't just the pet projects of ideologues and political parties, but when implemented properly, they were sweeping movements which shifted societal thought, moving the goal posts so to speak, shifting everything subconsciously. When done well, even those opposed to the introduction of the reforms now accepted them as normal, even if they'd like to see them rolled partially or completely back. That is why effective reforming governments bring their oppositions along with them, and there was no doubt in Thibault Drapeur's mind that he had done just that, that the sweeping from power of the old guard of the United Christian Front, especially Prince Basil and Princess Irene, signified an acceptance of at least a substantial part of Drapeur's reform agenda, which would not be challenged again even if small parts of it were rolled back. Once upon a time, the United Christian Front would have opposed the Treaty of Lyeithen which Drapeur was about to sign. Now, the Chancellor knew, they were telling the press back home that the Government hadn't gone far enough. With the dry, half-melancholic smile which the Pantocratorian Chancellor was known for, Drapeur reflected that Vesten, in having the Aerion political establishment accept the post-Treaty of Lyeithen world, would face the same difficulties that he had in Pantocratoria, and he knew that like he had done, Vesten could do it.

With that, Drapeur uncapped his fountain pen, and prepared to sign in the appropriate place. While the treaty would not be binding in a legal sense on Pantocratoria until the Emperor had accepted its ratification and signed it himself, Drapeur's signature signified Pantocratoria's agreement, and he no longer had any doubt that the Emperor's signature and seal would follow. After all, as the Opposition's subconscious perception of what was normal had shifted, so had the Emperor's. Drapeur was, as Imperial Chancellor and leader of the Imperial Government, enjoying a majority in the freely elected and lawfully constituted Imperial Parliament, entrusted and endowed with the Emperor's authority to negotiate treaties on His Majesty's behalf, and to signify Pantocratoria's agreement. The Emperor's signature at the end, like that in any constitutional monarchy, was only a formality. There would be no question of any reasonable person holding out some suspicion that the treaty might still be refused by the Pantocratorian sovereign - the Chancellor's signature alone would be regarded by all as adequate assurance. What a difference four years had made.

"Perhaps in a few years time, my friends," said Drapeur in his accented English. "The peoples of the Western Atlantic will take for granted what we are agreeing to today so easily that they will wonder what all the fuss was about."

And with that, he signed.

There was mass, but subtle outcry from those on the Privy Council, and within the Royal Government that certain segments of Aerionian society would never accept such stipulations as this treaty would place, that would lead to mass chaos, some being so alarmist as to state that Aerionian society itself would collapse. The Lord High Steward Riden Vesten was a very capable man as Thibault Drapeur thought him, a wise man, but perhaps more of a cynical Machiavellian realist than the Pantocratorian Chancellor would have thought. The Lord High Steward knew that something, even external forces, must curb the influence of the megacorporations and wealthiest families in Aerion. The people loved the Monarchy, and as a symbol most likely always would. The Royal Family had legitimacy of blood back to the Father of the Nation, First Elder Wasterin V'i, and beyond to great chieftains who reigned over thousands of clans. Yet the megacorporations had gained significant control to the point of danger. He knew this treaty was necessary. He had managed to allay the fears of many of those on the Privy Council about the possible destabilizing effect of the treaty. He was the only ones that seemed to keep the highest officials in the Royal Government in line, while the Crown Prince went off on his Buddhist retreats, and philanthropic endeavors. The fact that it had been over two years and the Crown Prince Regent had still not yet taken the throne had thoroughly lost him respect among many within the Royal Government who felt they could run their own schemes with the absence of a crowned King.

So it was with great caution, yet seriousness that he had advised the Crown Prince Regent to sign the treaty. It would in fact be the Crown Prince Regent's signature which would seal the deal.

For the occasion of the signing of the treaty, Damoen Wasterin wore an elaborate burgundy uniform with the collar of the Royal Aerionian Order of His Majesty the King around his neck, the distinctive purple sash across his chest, and on his left breast the Grand Cross of the Order of the White Wolf. It was a very grand uniform befitting the Crown Prince of Aerion. Damoen Wasterin had perhaps at this summit projected himself as almost weak, but to others simply a calm placid man whose eyes often seemed to stare off into another world. Today he seemed determined, as if he were truly doing something good in the world.

Reflecting a rather different society with rather different values, President Sacker wore a dark blue pantsuit with understated golden buttons, a white blouse and a pair of dark pumps. She, too, smiled as she signed the document. It represented a step forward in so many ways but, like the other two, she realized that she was likely to have to fight for this Treaty. On her side, though, she was going to have to fight for patience and understanding as Aerion reformed. Some back home would not want anything to do with Aerion until she fully reflected the values of liberal democracy. It was a non-sense position. Nations didn't change over night like the Apostle Paul on the road to Damascus. They had to be engaged as they were.

Sacker was also conscious of the fact that she was the only one signing the Treaty who had not been involved in its negotiation. That, perhaps, was more telling. It showed the fairly mercurial character of Confederal politics, so far, at least. She hoped that this relatively steady and stable year could put an end to all that. She shook her head slightly at the thought but a smile crossed her lips as she turned towards Drapeur, "I sincerely hope that you are right, Chancellor."

Since the code of protocol at the Foreign Ministry provided for sitting only when signing instruments of surrender and capitulation papers, there was a subtle, disorganised shift of movement when the Bright Republic’s turn came. The delegation appeared as if some great dysfunctional family gathered for a portrait, an extended clan of siblings, cousins, aunties and uncles, grandparents and in-laws. Most posed quietly for the photo and watched with complacent interest. Every so often a few would break the pose, turning to their neighbours to exchange a few whispered words.

In some countries the diplomatic service wore a uniform, but even though Xirniumites did not their appearance was still remarkably uniform. There were tiny smatterings of umbrellas and buttonholes amongst them, one or two top hats and a monocle, a few elaborate coats with squared tails and slender shiny black walking-sticks and canes. In their hands they clasped brown and burgundy and green leather folders or buckled and clipped attaché cases. Some swilled glasses of port or brandy. Gloves were ubiquitous, and either of the common fawn-coloured club variety or a more recent, black leather affectation of silovik chic.

Blotting her name with a sweep and then affixing at its side her seal was first the Prime Minister followed by her Minister of Foreign Affairs. Following them in a short queue, the Lords Speakers of the National Assembly and Council of Estates, the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Trade and the Minister of Defence, and five ambassadors plenipotentiary. The Lady Protector was represented by a single member of the Committee of Safety, a frail, narrow-shouldered gentleman with the dry, yellow face and pink-lidded eyes of a Chancery lawyer. Last to sign was the redoubtable Premier of Ambâlieva and two of her diplomatists.

Nobody had prepared a statement for the signing ceremony and everything was carried out to the tune of nervous coughing and muttered silence. This grand turning point in international relations was thus marked in much the same way as one might execute a mortgage at a bank.