Karmanyaka
05-01-2007, 17:10
OOC: It's time for parliamentary elections in Karmanyaka and the situation is complicated due to region politics. This thread is mainly reserved for nations that already have been introduced to Karmanyaka and/or have established relations of some sort with the Federated Klatchian Coast.
First I give you a little prologue of sorts. Feel free to ask if some significant matter should be explained.
1. A brief introduction to the political system in the Democratic Dominion of Karmanyaka:
Karmanyaka resembles a European style constitutional monarchy, like the Nordic countries or the United Kingdom, for example. Head of State is the Tengil (like a king, only different word). Much like the Queen of England or the President of Germany, the Tengil has little real political power, instead he fills the role of representing the Democratic Dominion outwards. He is not supposed to meddle in the business of the government, something that is viewed as extremely inappropriate, but he is free to make (rather vague) political statements. The governing is left to the popularly elected, unicameral Council of the Dominion. The Tengil is appointed by the Council for lifetime service, but can be relieved from office by the Council at any time by a vote of 2/3.
Every four years the people elect a new Council of the Dominion. Only those political parties with at least 4% of the votes take place in Dominion Hall and begin their term by appointing a new Speaker. After a discussion with the Speaker, the Tengil then instructs the leader of the largest party or group of parties to form a government. The Prime Minister is considered head of the Government and is number three on the list of national leaders following the Tengil and the Speaker.
It might also be important to know that Karmanyaka also has two semiautonomous enclaves – Cherry Valley and Wild Rose Valley, situated just north of the capital city of Katla. These so-called ‘Green Valleys’, each have their own elected parliaments and also appoint a sort of Tengil of their own, the Knights Chief.
Karmanyaka was previously a dictatorship under the absolute rule of a Lord Tengil. Four years ago it was reformed by the last Lord Tengil, democrat Johan Kader, and adopted the new political system described above. Kader was subsequently appointed Tengil, a logical choice. An attempted coup d'état where senior politicians and the military tried to stop the reforms, resulted in cruel civil war that lay waste to large parts of Karmanyaka. The FKC at first refused to interfere but then sent a Marshall to deal with the coup makers. At the same time as Vaadian and Karmanyakan troops joined forces to crush the coup, the Leader of the military Junta, Field Marshall Nicholas Grune, took his own life. This meant that the reform work could resume as planned.
2. A brief description of the major political parties:
The Dominion Party (DP) – A conservative party that aims to preserve the unique traditions and values of Karmanyaka, while at the same time adapting to a modern world. Mostly composed of members of the old political elite. Friendly towards both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Chairman: The former Minister of Foreign Affairs, now Prime Minister Sir Henry Pommer.
The Karmanyakan Socialist Party (KSP) – A social democratic party concerned mainly with social equality, welfare and human rights. Friendly towards Ilek-Vaad, but opposing the FKC. Chairman: Respected former welfare advisor and Chancellery official Anton Krupp.
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) – A party that values human rights, civic liberties and political freedom. With its successful TV campaigns, this party has quickly risen as a serious threat to the DP and is expected to steal a lot of DP votes in the upcoming election. Friendly towards Ilek-Vaad and indifferent towards the FKC. Chairman: Pierre Vanderkost, successful entrepreneur and celebrated philanthropist.
The Isolationists / Preserve Karmanyaka (I/PK) – This hardcore right-wing party wants Karmanyaka to return to the long isolation that reigned ever since the War of the Green Valleys (the year 1410). The isolationists work for a departing from the Federated Klatchian Coast (FKC) and for a return to a more non-democratic constitution. During the last four years its supporters have steadily increased in number. Opposing both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Leader: The retired general sir Mandrake Bouffin.
The Communist Party of Karmanyaka (CPK) – A classical "euro-communist" party. Radical environmentalists, Feminists, Stalinists and Marxist-Leninists all strife for power in this fragmented movement whose main goals (among many) are the nationalisation of the means of production and the abandoning of the capitalist system. Opposing the FKC and indifferent towards Ilek-Vaad. Chairperson: Dr. Rita Feen, a popular, former TV-show host and university lecturer in gender theory.
The Environmentalists (E) – A party that turns to the environment friendly segments of the population. Mainly concerned about increasing pollution and about promoting ecologically sustainable means of agriculture an industrial production and with an estimated 2% of the votes. Slightly friendly towards both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Spokesperson: Vidar Spaend
The Lionheart Party (LP) – A political movement whose main goal is the complete and unconditional independence of the two Green Valleys. Little or no support from outside of the Valleys. Support within the Green Valleys: 35%, support in the nation as a whole, including the Valleys: 0,8%. Thanks to the big support in the Valleys, this small party is still an important factor in Karmanyakan politics. Indifferent towards both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Chairperson: Charismatic schoolteacher Sofia White (believed to be the former leader of separatist terrorist organization 'The Lionhearts').
3. A brief insight into the current political situation
Now it was almost four years since the last election and time to win the people over once again. The Tengil was still immensely popular with the people, but DP party chairman Henry Pommer, now Prime Minister and head of Government had become criticized for rising crime rates and unemployment rates that remained high despite the economic boom. There was grumbling in the street that the government didn’t care about ordinary people.
Another problem was the anti-Klatchian sentiment that had spread around Karmanyaka. The feeling was that Karmanyaka was left to fend for itself, while the warmongering major powers of Klatchia became increasingly introvert. Some pointed to the bickering and inability to act together against both internal and external threats. Everyone knew that Pommer and his government were keen supporters of the Federated Klatchian Coast, something that was becoming a liability as public opinion leaned more and more towards support for the Free Republic of Ilek-Vaad.
---
Katla, capital city of the Democratic Dominion of Karmanyaka
It was a beautiful day, clear and cold. A light breeze made the flags in Katla flutter suitably. As the new year had begun, it was impossible for a visitor to the city to miss the fact that it was election year. In fact there was only three months left to Election Day. The people of Karmanyaka were going to vote in the second parliamentary election in the nation’s history. Last time, the Dominion Party (DP) – followers of the Tengil, Johan Kader – had won a landslide victory with support from 48% of the people.
This time the public meetings that attracted the most participants were those of the Karmanyakan Socialist Party (KSP). On Battle Day Square a huge stage had been erected. Karmanyakan flags and red flags with the red tulip symbol of the KSP flew side by side in the chilly breeze. In front of the stage were around a hundred thousand supporters already and more were joining them.
KSP chairman Anton Krupp was stepping out of his car. Like many well-to-do Karmanyakans he followed the trend and normally travelled in a luxury fitted Armored Passenger Vehicle, APV. (The automotive trend in Karmanyaka had long since passed the SUV, and now those who aspired to be someone travelled around the cities in specially designed, heavily armored, tracked vehicles. These looked pretty much like sleek, metallic coated, civilian versions of military APC’s.)
Today, however, Anton Krupp and his advisors had carefully arranged that a much more ordinary 4x4 took him to the meeting. There was a storm of applause as he stepped out of the car and onto the stage, approaching the podium. He took a quick sip from the glass of water that had been placed beside a copy of his speech on the podium.
His smile was carefully chosen to convey joy, pride, security and compassion and he felt his jaws ache from the hours of practising in front of the mirror at home.
“What a wonderful day!” he began to another wave of cheers, his voice echoing in the enormous square. “Today is a wonderful day for Karmanyaka and for the Socialists! But there are those who fear the advance of Social Democracy. For Pommer and his friends in the Federation, this is a grievous day!” There were more cheers.
And indeed he was right. Prime Minister Pommer sat in his office in the government chancellery, which was housed in the Old Council Hall, where the former Council of Knights had convened in the days before democracy. He was watching Krupp’s speech on his TV and he wasn’t happy. There stood the man who now presented the greatest threat to the DP and himself, and he was smirking!
If the KSP won the election and Krupp was made Prime Minister, the Democratic Dominion of Karmanyaka would most certainly leave the Federation. It would mean a dangerous turn of events, where Karmanyaka would have to seek support from Ilek-Vaad and other non-FKC allies. The Free Republic was a friend of Karmanyaka, but its standing with the FKC would undoubtedly mean that Karmanyaka in case of secession would be dragged into a war between the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. And such a war could very well prove devastating to the Democratic Dominion.
“The fascist dictatorships that compose the FKC have done nothing for Karmanyaka!” Krupp exclaimed. “Where were they when the mad generals of Grune set fire to our nation? Did they come to the aid of their allies and help put down the coup? No! Instead it was our brothers and sisters of the Free Republic of Ilek-Vaad that aided us. They never hesitated to help a friend in need! And now, why should Karmanyaka support the FKC in their ever increasing hostility towards our true friends, the Vaadians?” Krupp cast out his hands in a gesture that had taken three hours to get right.
“When we embraced democracy, we threw off the yoke of aristocratic despotism only to join the FKC, and thereby putting on the yoke of Klatchian despotism. Only when we are free from the misrule of the Federation can we flourish and achieve a stable welfare state.”
Sir Henry Pommer shook his head and turned off the TV. It would all go to hell if that man and his party won the election. But that was democracy for you – the people had to make the decisions even if they turned out to be bad ones. He just had to work harder trying to convince the people what was right.
First I give you a little prologue of sorts. Feel free to ask if some significant matter should be explained.
1. A brief introduction to the political system in the Democratic Dominion of Karmanyaka:
Karmanyaka resembles a European style constitutional monarchy, like the Nordic countries or the United Kingdom, for example. Head of State is the Tengil (like a king, only different word). Much like the Queen of England or the President of Germany, the Tengil has little real political power, instead he fills the role of representing the Democratic Dominion outwards. He is not supposed to meddle in the business of the government, something that is viewed as extremely inappropriate, but he is free to make (rather vague) political statements. The governing is left to the popularly elected, unicameral Council of the Dominion. The Tengil is appointed by the Council for lifetime service, but can be relieved from office by the Council at any time by a vote of 2/3.
Every four years the people elect a new Council of the Dominion. Only those political parties with at least 4% of the votes take place in Dominion Hall and begin their term by appointing a new Speaker. After a discussion with the Speaker, the Tengil then instructs the leader of the largest party or group of parties to form a government. The Prime Minister is considered head of the Government and is number three on the list of national leaders following the Tengil and the Speaker.
It might also be important to know that Karmanyaka also has two semiautonomous enclaves – Cherry Valley and Wild Rose Valley, situated just north of the capital city of Katla. These so-called ‘Green Valleys’, each have their own elected parliaments and also appoint a sort of Tengil of their own, the Knights Chief.
Karmanyaka was previously a dictatorship under the absolute rule of a Lord Tengil. Four years ago it was reformed by the last Lord Tengil, democrat Johan Kader, and adopted the new political system described above. Kader was subsequently appointed Tengil, a logical choice. An attempted coup d'état where senior politicians and the military tried to stop the reforms, resulted in cruel civil war that lay waste to large parts of Karmanyaka. The FKC at first refused to interfere but then sent a Marshall to deal with the coup makers. At the same time as Vaadian and Karmanyakan troops joined forces to crush the coup, the Leader of the military Junta, Field Marshall Nicholas Grune, took his own life. This meant that the reform work could resume as planned.
2. A brief description of the major political parties:
The Dominion Party (DP) – A conservative party that aims to preserve the unique traditions and values of Karmanyaka, while at the same time adapting to a modern world. Mostly composed of members of the old political elite. Friendly towards both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Chairman: The former Minister of Foreign Affairs, now Prime Minister Sir Henry Pommer.
The Karmanyakan Socialist Party (KSP) – A social democratic party concerned mainly with social equality, welfare and human rights. Friendly towards Ilek-Vaad, but opposing the FKC. Chairman: Respected former welfare advisor and Chancellery official Anton Krupp.
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) – A party that values human rights, civic liberties and political freedom. With its successful TV campaigns, this party has quickly risen as a serious threat to the DP and is expected to steal a lot of DP votes in the upcoming election. Friendly towards Ilek-Vaad and indifferent towards the FKC. Chairman: Pierre Vanderkost, successful entrepreneur and celebrated philanthropist.
The Isolationists / Preserve Karmanyaka (I/PK) – This hardcore right-wing party wants Karmanyaka to return to the long isolation that reigned ever since the War of the Green Valleys (the year 1410). The isolationists work for a departing from the Federated Klatchian Coast (FKC) and for a return to a more non-democratic constitution. During the last four years its supporters have steadily increased in number. Opposing both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Leader: The retired general sir Mandrake Bouffin.
The Communist Party of Karmanyaka (CPK) – A classical "euro-communist" party. Radical environmentalists, Feminists, Stalinists and Marxist-Leninists all strife for power in this fragmented movement whose main goals (among many) are the nationalisation of the means of production and the abandoning of the capitalist system. Opposing the FKC and indifferent towards Ilek-Vaad. Chairperson: Dr. Rita Feen, a popular, former TV-show host and university lecturer in gender theory.
The Environmentalists (E) – A party that turns to the environment friendly segments of the population. Mainly concerned about increasing pollution and about promoting ecologically sustainable means of agriculture an industrial production and with an estimated 2% of the votes. Slightly friendly towards both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Spokesperson: Vidar Spaend
The Lionheart Party (LP) – A political movement whose main goal is the complete and unconditional independence of the two Green Valleys. Little or no support from outside of the Valleys. Support within the Green Valleys: 35%, support in the nation as a whole, including the Valleys: 0,8%. Thanks to the big support in the Valleys, this small party is still an important factor in Karmanyakan politics. Indifferent towards both the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. Chairperson: Charismatic schoolteacher Sofia White (believed to be the former leader of separatist terrorist organization 'The Lionhearts').
3. A brief insight into the current political situation
Now it was almost four years since the last election and time to win the people over once again. The Tengil was still immensely popular with the people, but DP party chairman Henry Pommer, now Prime Minister and head of Government had become criticized for rising crime rates and unemployment rates that remained high despite the economic boom. There was grumbling in the street that the government didn’t care about ordinary people.
Another problem was the anti-Klatchian sentiment that had spread around Karmanyaka. The feeling was that Karmanyaka was left to fend for itself, while the warmongering major powers of Klatchia became increasingly introvert. Some pointed to the bickering and inability to act together against both internal and external threats. Everyone knew that Pommer and his government were keen supporters of the Federated Klatchian Coast, something that was becoming a liability as public opinion leaned more and more towards support for the Free Republic of Ilek-Vaad.
---
Katla, capital city of the Democratic Dominion of Karmanyaka
It was a beautiful day, clear and cold. A light breeze made the flags in Katla flutter suitably. As the new year had begun, it was impossible for a visitor to the city to miss the fact that it was election year. In fact there was only three months left to Election Day. The people of Karmanyaka were going to vote in the second parliamentary election in the nation’s history. Last time, the Dominion Party (DP) – followers of the Tengil, Johan Kader – had won a landslide victory with support from 48% of the people.
This time the public meetings that attracted the most participants were those of the Karmanyakan Socialist Party (KSP). On Battle Day Square a huge stage had been erected. Karmanyakan flags and red flags with the red tulip symbol of the KSP flew side by side in the chilly breeze. In front of the stage were around a hundred thousand supporters already and more were joining them.
KSP chairman Anton Krupp was stepping out of his car. Like many well-to-do Karmanyakans he followed the trend and normally travelled in a luxury fitted Armored Passenger Vehicle, APV. (The automotive trend in Karmanyaka had long since passed the SUV, and now those who aspired to be someone travelled around the cities in specially designed, heavily armored, tracked vehicles. These looked pretty much like sleek, metallic coated, civilian versions of military APC’s.)
Today, however, Anton Krupp and his advisors had carefully arranged that a much more ordinary 4x4 took him to the meeting. There was a storm of applause as he stepped out of the car and onto the stage, approaching the podium. He took a quick sip from the glass of water that had been placed beside a copy of his speech on the podium.
His smile was carefully chosen to convey joy, pride, security and compassion and he felt his jaws ache from the hours of practising in front of the mirror at home.
“What a wonderful day!” he began to another wave of cheers, his voice echoing in the enormous square. “Today is a wonderful day for Karmanyaka and for the Socialists! But there are those who fear the advance of Social Democracy. For Pommer and his friends in the Federation, this is a grievous day!” There were more cheers.
And indeed he was right. Prime Minister Pommer sat in his office in the government chancellery, which was housed in the Old Council Hall, where the former Council of Knights had convened in the days before democracy. He was watching Krupp’s speech on his TV and he wasn’t happy. There stood the man who now presented the greatest threat to the DP and himself, and he was smirking!
If the KSP won the election and Krupp was made Prime Minister, the Democratic Dominion of Karmanyaka would most certainly leave the Federation. It would mean a dangerous turn of events, where Karmanyaka would have to seek support from Ilek-Vaad and other non-FKC allies. The Free Republic was a friend of Karmanyaka, but its standing with the FKC would undoubtedly mean that Karmanyaka in case of secession would be dragged into a war between the FKC and Ilek-Vaad. And such a war could very well prove devastating to the Democratic Dominion.
“The fascist dictatorships that compose the FKC have done nothing for Karmanyaka!” Krupp exclaimed. “Where were they when the mad generals of Grune set fire to our nation? Did they come to the aid of their allies and help put down the coup? No! Instead it was our brothers and sisters of the Free Republic of Ilek-Vaad that aided us. They never hesitated to help a friend in need! And now, why should Karmanyaka support the FKC in their ever increasing hostility towards our true friends, the Vaadians?” Krupp cast out his hands in a gesture that had taken three hours to get right.
“When we embraced democracy, we threw off the yoke of aristocratic despotism only to join the FKC, and thereby putting on the yoke of Klatchian despotism. Only when we are free from the misrule of the Federation can we flourish and achieve a stable welfare state.”
Sir Henry Pommer shook his head and turned off the TV. It would all go to hell if that man and his party won the election. But that was democracy for you – the people had to make the decisions even if they turned out to be bad ones. He just had to work harder trying to convince the people what was right.