NationStates Jolt Archive

Tom Caine closed his eyes and rubbed his temples. Foreign Secretary Janice Rundeles leaned towards the President. "What an absolute disaster," she whispered.

Caine scrunched his eyes and shook his head slightly. "Are they being intentionally offensive, or do they just not get it?" He spoke the question under his breath, not really expecting anyone to answer.

From her seat behind the President, Presidential Press Secretary Shannon Coles leaned forward and rested a hand on the President's shoulder. He turned towards her and tilted his head towards hers.

Shannon leaned forward and whispered, "Mr. President, I feel I must remind you that your support is broad at the moment, but shallow. Overwhelming majorities in every state, including Saxmere, support a peaceful resolution to the crisis. And they support you because they see as willing to compromise and leading the effort for a negotiated resolution. That's what's turning the corner in Saxmere. And what's keeping secession off the agenda in Southland. If these negotiations fail, however, that support could turn. And we have midterm and state elections coming up…"

Caine drew in a sharp breath. He flicked on his signal light and leaned into the microphone. "I thank the Knootian delegation for understanding our position. And I thank the Danaan delegation for its clarification of its intentions. I accept their explanation that there was no intention to slight the Confederation or treat it as inferior party in their proposal. However, one thing I have learned as President is that it is not only intentions that matter, but that words mean a lot. Especially written words in legally binding documents, like treaties.

"My concern is that, despite the honourable intentions of the Resurgent Dream, the plain words of the proposal, as it now stands, singles out the Confederation for different treatment than the other parties."

Caine took a deep breath. "However, the success of these negotiations is far too important to us to allow them to fail. So, please allow me to offer a compromise that I hope will address our concerns, as well as those of Saxmere."

As he had been speaking, Caine had been scribbling on a pad of paper. Now, he held up the pad and began to read. "Here is our proposed amendment to point one of Article One:

"1. The Danaan High Kingdom of the Resurgent Dream, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, the Dominion of Upper Virginia and the Confederation of Sovereign States are recognized as unconditionally sovereign states. Saxmere is recognized as unconditionally sovereign to the extent that it chooses sovereignty in the forthcoming referenda. Further, notwithstanding their sovereign status, all the parties to this agreement pledge unconditionally and irrevocably to recognize the results of forthcoming referenda in Saxmere."

Caine laid down the pad. "I would argue that our proposed amendment places all of us on equal footing. Equally sovereign and equally obliged to honour the referenda in Saxmere. And, by recognizing Saxmere's sovereignty to the extent it chooses to be sovereign in the referenda, we are explicitly stating that we are willing to accept the status quo, autonomy or independence without reservation or hesitation. I hope that together these two clauses are sufficient to persuade Saxmere – as well as the Resurgent Dream and Pantocratoria – that our desire is simply to see all of us treated as equal parties and not to turn our backs on our commitment to the referenda."

With a sharp, dismissive gesture to the rest of his delegation Governor Sean Peller turned on his signal light and turned to President Caine. "Mr. President, let me ask you directly: Do you understand that this provision explicitly commits the Confederation to recognize Saxmere as a sovereign, independent nation should the motion for independence pass in the referendum?"

"I do," Caine said.

"And," Peller continued, "do explicitly recognize, as Monsieur Raoul pointed out, that there may well be consequences to the Confederation's failure to abide by the terms of this agreement?"

"I do," Caine said. "And," he added, "let me be even blunter. As long as the Confederation is treated as an equal partner and a normal, democratic state – and not some kind of pariah or wayward child – we are prepared to live with whatever relationship the people of Saxmere chose to maintain with the Confederation, whether it be the current arrangement of statehood, or expanded autonomy or full independence, and are more than willing to extend the hand of friendship to Saxmere and every other party at these talks."

Peller nodded. "In that case, Saxmere is prepared to live with proposal as amended."

President Becka Harrison nodded. "I will take that as a second. Is there any further discussion before we take a vote?"

(OOC: Sorry, I had more RL stuff yesterday than I expected. If you wish to discuss the amendment, please do so. If you are ready to vote, then please indicate your vote.)

"I fail to see a substantive difference between the President's proposal and the initial one, Madam President, but if President Caine feels it necessary, Pantocratoria is quite happy to accept his alternate wording, and in the interests of moving on, we commend the proposal to the other delegates." Raoul said.

Cheatham looked down at the Grand Duchess and then looked between the people talking before looking at Harrison in horror. "Are you not going to call a paramedic?"

Even as Cheatham spoke the doors of the conference room opened and a team of paramedics with a stretcher rushed burst in and rushed towards the Grand Duchess.

"We had paramedics standing by on site, sir," President Harrison said. "We will recess for the moment and resume the vote as soon as practical."

Two paramedics wearing khaki Upper Virginia army uniforms knelt beside Morgan. One, a slight man with sergeant's stripes, began taking the Grand Duchess' vital signs. The other, a stockier man with two stripes, turned towards Cheatham. "Has the young lady been having any medical problems, sir? Is she on any medication?"

Moments later, an officer wearing both captain's insignia and the caduceus symbol of the medical corps entered and walked over to the sergeant. "How are her vitals?"

The sergeant looked up. "BP's normal and she's breathing."

The captain turned to the other medic and Cheatham. "Any prior conditions?"

Drapeur stood up and looked on in concern. Unfortunately, he was a doctor of philosophy, not of medicine, and he very much doubted a history lecture would be of much first aid value. Raoul frowned and looked over at the fuss. He stole a look at his watch. I wonder how long this wilting royal flower is going to delay proceedings...

Drapeur was more circumspect. What a day... besides the negotiations, the Excalbian Emperor falling ill, and now this... he thought to himself. His eyes naturally glanced in the direction of the Knootian delegation. Surely not... surely they wouldn't poison an allied royal diplomat...

"I suppose, Madam President, that we had better have a brief adjournment?" Raoul suggested. Things were quite chaotic enough before Morgan had collapsed.

"No, none." Cheatham answered.

Grand Duchess Morgan was settled into the embassy medical ward after receiving on the site treatment by the Virginian Paramedics. Her medical records there were heavily classified. A Dr. Waldemar Waerdt, former Liberal Eerste Minister of the Principality of Corral, noted Rawls scholar, former college president, ordained Arraran cleric, and all around distinguished gentleman was appointed in her place. Dr. Waerdt discretely sent word ahead to the Knootians that he wished to speak privately with their Foreign Minister prior to the resumption of the conference to clear up a few "misunderstandings". A Danaan diplomatic staffer named Joscelin Rabbi was taken into custody by embassy security although no public statement was made. The Danaan embassy intelligence liason, Special Agent Joel Bannock requested to meet with his Pantocratorian counterpart to express some "concerns" about information he had recently obtained.

((OOC: co-roleplayed with TRD))

Dr. Waerdt adjusted his formal, but not particularly exciting, suit slightly before knocking on the Countess' door. He was an older man, as his credentials would lead one to expect, still lean and in gold health, although his hair was a thing of the past except for a grey fringe around his head and his face and scalp had many lines marking his experience.

"Binnen!", he heard a pleasant female voice from the other side, "Is that you Jan-Willem?"

"It's Dr. Waerdt, Your Excellency." he answered politely, his own voice congenial in an almost grandfatherly way.

"Oh", the voice on the other side could be heard with a hint of apprehension, "I'll be with you in just a minute sir!" There was a bit of rummaging behind the door for a minute or two before Femke Vologdov appeared to open it. She had changed into a more comfortable suit in autumn colours which was less inhibiting than the clothes the Knootian minister of Foreign Affairs and Defence had worn since arriving in Upper Virginia. Her greying hair was still glimmering with wetness, suggesting she had just taken a quick shower. "Dr. Waerdt!", she said pleasantly, "How may I help you? I recall you wanted a word with me? Do come in."

He stepped in with a slight smile. He was aware, of course, that the Knootian woman likely had mixed feelings about his credentials. On the one hand, he was a Liberal politician and scholar, but, on the other, he was a clergyman, which, even with regard to a "liberal" denomination like the Arrarans, was likely to cause suspicion in the Knootians. He was also aware that he Knootian foreign minister seemed a most pleasant lady. Putting his thoughts aside, he spoke. "Yes, Your Excellency. I simply wanted to assuage any fears that you might have from the last session that our bilateral relations are in any danger. I understand that it was...rather tense."

"One might say that", Vologdov said as she motioned Waerdt into the quarters assigned to her by the Upper Virginians and sat down on a couch which was standing next to a comfortable seat. "Please, do sit down", she urged, "Can I get you something to drink?"

He sat down as invited. "I wouldn't want to impose."

"As you wish", Vologdov said with a polite nod of her head, "Any word on Grand Duchess Morgan yet?"

He nodded. "She is recovering." The man paused a moment before continuing. "Her appointment was a miscalculation on His Majesty's part, although I'd deny it if anyone quoted me on that. She was far too young and inexperienced and was not quite able to handle the stress and frustration involved in this sort of negotiation. I do hope Your Excellency can forgive the comments she made to you privately as those of a girl venting her frustrations and not as a sign of any real personal animosity. It was not her fault she received an assignment she was not qualified for." It was the King's was the unspoken subtext, of course.

"I understand perfectly", Vologdov said with an involuntary sigh. "Poor Morgan. I hope she recovers..." she paused, "and I trust the Danaan delegation will have a suitable replacement for her in the meantime?"

Femke shifted her legs, leaning forward just a little with an expression of honesty in her eyes, a sad reflection almost.

"I can hardly blame her for snapping at the display we all put up there. For what its worth, us 'experienced' diplomats hardly fared much better than her."

"I am her replacement." he reminded her, laughing good-naturedly at her self-criticism. "We are all only human after all... I understand President Caine was able to come up with a mutually agreeable wording fairly easily after everyone calmed down?"
"

"Indeed", Vologdov said, "although it is not just the 'how to' of a particular wording that threatens these negotiatons, even if President Caine has once again shown to have a way with words." She chuckled. "I really do not see how the Pantocratorians still cast him as the bad guy. I certainly have seen nothing but reason from the good man, and a willingness to compromise to an extent that many Knootians even wouldn’t be willing to show."

"With the exception of some truly horrific countries like the Reich, I am much to old to believe in good guys and bad guys much anymore." he said with a slight grin. "However, it is apparent that there are much more substantive issues than just wording or good will here. His Majesty's decision to appoint his sister was based on two notions believes by his advisors at the time, one correct and one long since proven false."

"Our sentiment as well," Vologdov smiled appreciatively, "And I've always appreciated The Resurgent Dream as one of the few countries that actually believes, with us, that a cooperation in the North Atlantic is possible, despite... issues, as you say." She paused. "What would these assumptions be, if I may ask?"

"The incorrect one was that the issue was largely one of simple distruct between Knootoss and Excalbia, based on the large differences in culture and institutions, that the substantive issues were much smaller than they are and simply enlarged by fear and misunderstanding on both sides. The correct perception was that the governments of Pantocratoria and Excalbia are largely moving towards peace over the objections of their Royal Courts. His Majesty hoped to show, by sending his sister, that at least one royal court desired peace and was not hostile to the republic. He felt this gesture of good will would go a long way towards easing tensions, which was believed at the time to be the most useful thing."

"I would argue that the differences between Knootoss and Excalbia are not that unbridgeable", the Knootian minister volunteered. "When I look at Excalbia I see much of what Knootoss was in my youth, before the sixties. Excalbia is not my worry in the long term. Knootoss and Pantocratoria... well, that is a different story altogether."

He gave a non-commital nod. "I doubt the culture of Knootoss and that of Pantocratoria will ever be very similar, I will confess. The countries are not likely to be alike in what their people believe about things like religion and morality nor should they necessarily want to be. However, I have noted the reforms of the Drapeur Government with regard to the relationship between Church and State and the Daatman Administration's...well, there were no laws to reform per se but Mr. Daatman's own faith and his example of pluralism and open-mindedness seem to be doing much to reduce popular prejudices against religious persons...So I do see it as plausible that Knootians and Pantocratorians might one day be the same in their genuine acknowledgement of the right of individuals to believe as their conscience and reason dictate, which is the way free peoples wish to be alike."

"I hope so", Vologdov said listlessly. It was obvious in her tone that she wanted to believe it (and perhaps at some point had genuinely believed it) but she obviously had given up on it happening in her lifetime. "And it is something which the Prime Ministers truly believes in and is fighting for." She stopped. "But I wonder if there will be more such Danaan proposals. It might have been more convenient to clear these proposals with the delegations individually?", she volunteered.

"Or perhaps we can just keep our heads next time there's a disagreement over one. They are mostly non-controversial in intent, if the wording sometimes needs work. Perhaps it might help if I explained to you the purpose behind our proposals. I do not believe Her Highness described it very well. It is more than simply making a non-aggression pact easier to write, although that is part of it."

Vologdov sat back, and motioned for the Danaan to continue.

"It was not that long ago when people could talk seriously of a democratic peace. Free peoples just did not fight one another. While what pains us the most about this conflict is that we have allies on both sides, what disturbs us the most is that countries which, if imperfectly democratic in some specifics or some theoretical powers, are all more or less democratic in the regular functioning of their governments, have come to the brink of war. In addition to averting such a conflict, Prime Minister Karamanlis's dream is to start rebuilding that democratic peace. With regard to the economic and force related aspects of the treaty, our objective is that of any neutral party: to get the Pantocratorians to give more than they want to give and you to accept left than you want so that you meet in the middle. However, we also want to try and rebuild something of genuine peace and, more specifically, to build the foundation for peace and eventually even friendship between Knootoss and Pantocratoria through a deeply comprehensive treaty. We want to get a group of more or less democratic states to formally agree to the kind of relationship which once was perceived as the natural relationship between what John Rawls referred to as 'decent peoples'."

Vologdov nodded, impressed, and tilted her head slightly as if expecting yet more.

"It is, of course, not simply that we want to use the comprehensive treaty to this end in addition to the end of settling the current dispute. The two are not separate. We believe that if we arrive at the discussion of aggression and economics after Pantocratoria, Knootoss, and the other signatories have already reached agreement regarding less controversial things and are thus able to be secure about all sorts of little details and about one another's good will, all parties will be more comfortable making compromises."

"You could be Daatman speaking", Vologdov said with a smirk, "I am comfortable with that, as long as the economic agenda is not snowed over as it did during the provisional negotiations. We would like to see Knootian points cashed in, if you understand? My delegation is afraid that if we settle on the things the Pantocratorians want first they will have no incentives to agree to anything beyond that. You have seen first hand how obstructionist they have been in this part of the negotiations already... if they have what they want they have no reason to continue, I'm afraid. This is why my delegation would like to discuss economics before the other issues."

"I do not believe that have been as obstructionist as you perceive them to be." he commented. "However, if they are truly desirous of avoiding an economic component to the treaty at the present time, forcing the issue would simply result in a situation where no agreement which both parties currently felt able to sign was possible. We are not avoiding an economic arrangement or putting it off because we do not like it, but trying to create a situation where the Pantocratorians would be more comfortable agreeing to a trade deal and, to speak plainly, also one where you would be more willing to accept a trade deal that was less than the full FTA you desire. If you will recall, no provision is binding until we have a final treaty to discuss as a whole, which the agenda requires to contain an economic component. Correspondingly, the current rules make it impossible for that part of the discussion to simply be forgotten."

"May I suggest", Vologdov began, "to put the economic proposals somewhere in the middle? Putting them last gives a strategic disincentive for the Pantocratorians, although I agree that at this time it might be hard to get them to agree to any such proposals. We were thinking of a two-tiered structure of Free Trade between those North Atlantic parties willing to engage in such an arrangement, and a MFN type agreement with the other parties."

"That is not my preference but it is not a possibility I would rule out either." he said. "However, I'd prefer not to decide on too much in a bilateral talk. We are, after all, a neutral party. There things might be better discussed at the next session." He started to rise with a pleasant smile. "I am too much of a realist to doubt that we will again disagree on specifics, Your Excellency. However, I do hope that we can see future disagreements as simply problems arising in a difficult common task and not as signs of hostility or bad faith. And that goes for all the parties, not just our two nations."

Vologdov rose as well, and offered the Danaan a hand. "You are probably right, but despite any foreseeable problems I still look forward to working to you at the negotiating table Dr. Waerdt." She walked him to the exit of her room. "Incidentally, would I be mistaken if you have Knootian ancestry? Your mastery of Dutch is truly excellent, and the name..." she smiled a bit.

"Most people in Corral do, my lady." he said, shaking her hand firmly. "Although my ancestors came over before there was a DDR."

"It's a young nation", she replied, "certainly compared to the Danaan High Kingdom." She patted him on the back. "But if you do not mind, I'll go through final preparations now. I'm sure the Virginians are eager to restart negotiations soon."

"Of course," he said, taking his leave.

Becka Harrison looked at the Pantocratorian Foreign Minister with a slightly stunned expression. “Yes,” she said after a few moments, “I believe a recess is in order. Considering the hour, let us reconvene tomorrow morning; we will resume our vote on President Caine’s amendment at that time.” She turned towards the Resurgent Dream delegation. “Hopefully Her Highness will be feeling better by then.”

Abruptly the President stood and walked towards the doors behind her. She turned slightly and leaned her head towards her Foreign Secretary, who trailed just behind her. “I hope our National Assembly won’t be this… disorderly, Graham.”

“It may be, Madam President,” Graham Yultilde said, “however, I hope the delegates, after they’re elected, won’t have fainting spells on the floor…”

Becka nodded. “We can only hope.”

As the President exited, the army captain gave Cheatham a puzzled look. “No medical conditions… Certainly odd to see such a young woman pass out without some underlying medical condition…”

For several minutes the medics worked on the Grand Duchess until she regained consciousness. After checking her vital signs again, they let her drift into a light sleep. They protested for several more minutes, insisting that she be transported to the National Military Hospital before relenting and transporting her by ambulance to the Danaan Embassy.

Later that night, as Becka sat alone in her office – her son had long since been sent to bed and her later dinner with the Varessan Major General Sean Roberts had been postponed – she heard an unexpected knock on the door. Few people could surprise the President of the Dominion in her own residence. But Richard Thorsen was one of them.

The former SSS – Special Security Service – major was far more responsible for the coup against General Altman than anyone else, the new President included. Few people, however, knew that. The President. Graham Yultilde. Forrest Turley. Maybe four or five others. But no one else. Not even the Varessans, Excalbians and Pantocratorians knew just how much Thorsen had done to organize the coup, recruit the key players and carry it off. And that was just as Thorsen wanted it. Even in his new position as the Director of the Dominion Intelligence Service, Thorsen was one of the least photographic, least known and least recognized members of the new government.

Becka jumped slightly at the knock, then turned to the security monitor concealed in her desk. The image showed Thorsen alone in the outer office. “Come in,” she said.

Thorsen entered the office and nodded his head. “Madam President,” he said. “I understand you had an eventful day at the conference today.”

“Funny, Richard, I considered frustratingly uneventful.”

Thorsen smiled thinly and placed a red folder on the President’s desk. “Perhaps the events after the conference will prove more interesting.”

Becka flipped through the folder. “I thought I asked you not to spy on our guests…”

“You asked me, Madam President, not to eavesdrop. I took that to mean no technical means that could be detected.”

Becka closed the folder. “So, they’ve arrested one of their own staff. Is she involved in the Grand Duchess’ illness?”

“One would presume so. However, the call they placed to the Pantocratorian Embassy does raise some other possibilities. And the late call on the Dutch delegation…”

“Enough, Richard.” Becka leaned back in her chair. “The games they want to play with other do not concern me. Or you. Now, if you catch that Davinci fellow attending a meeting of the Order in Turley’s basement or something like that, then do let me know. Otherwise…”

Thorsen nodded. “Understood, Madam President.”

OOC: You might be interested in my election thread, here: http://forums2.jolt.co.uk/showthread.php?t=462221

Dr. Cheatham tilted her head at the captain in faint confusion before shrugging it off. It was, after all, a different culture. "She has no medical condition she repeated."
...
Waldemar Waerdt arrived at the conference chamber punctually the next morning, speaking casually with his advisors. "Edsilia says she rather enjoyed the film. She went with Gisela and her husband. However, I refuse to believe that any productive purpose can be served by..."

The stout man next to the doctor simply shook his head. "I am aware. I am glad, however, that you had a pleasant meeting with Her Excellency." This was Karel Ramaalas, a man who had recently served as Waerdt chief of staff and was now serving as his advisor at the negotiations. Next to them sat Caspar Paers and Corien Rapalje, both of whom had served as important advisors during the Waerdt administration in Corral. Paers was a grey-haired man of about normal size for his age. Rapalje, a decade or two younger, was much more fit, although she rendered a less pleasant impression by reason of the look of perpetual, frowning concentration which she bore.

The IFIS Liaison Officer for the Pantocratorian Embassy in Courtland was Frederic Dubois, a well-dressed but otherwise utterly unremarkable looking man. He agreed to meet with Special Agent Bannock in the morning, just before the conference resumed, in his office at the new embassy.

As the delegates began filtering back into the modern, well-appointed meeting room, President Becka Harrison entered from a door behind the podium. She dressed in a dark pants suit and wore a solemn expression. Behind her was Foreign Secretary Graham Yultilde, dressed in severe-looking pin stripe suite of a slightly old-fashioned cut, and General Alex Holmes, dressed in the formal green on khaki uniform of the Dominion Army.

The President took her place on the podium flanked by Holmes and Yultilde.

"Good morning, your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen," she spoke loudly but evenly into the microphone. "If I could ask you to take your seats. I would like to begin by asking the Danaan delegation for a report on Grand Duchess Morgan's condition. Then, I would like to resume the vote on President Caine's amendment to the Grand Duchess' proposal."

(OOC: Please post your votes. The C.S.S., Excalbia and Saxmere all vote in favour of the amended proposal. As I recall, Pantocratoria vote in favour as well. As soon TRD makes a report on Morgan and we conclude the vote, the floor will open for further proposals.)

Bannock showed up right on time. He was shown into the office of the Pantocratorian liason. Frowning slightly, he addressed his counterpart. "Good morning. Thank you for agreeing to see me."

...

Rapalje put her hand over the microphone and spoke to Waerdt. "Do they expect Her Highness to resume this assignment at some point? I don't see why it should be a matter for this conference after she's been officially relieved and replaced by Your..."

"Perhaps it is simply politeness and concern for another person's welfare?" Ramaalas pointed out crossly.

"The information is still classified." Rapalje pointed out. "You can't give a meaningful answer."

Waerdt nodded as the woman removed her hand from the microphone. "With respect, Madame President, I am not at liberty to say more than that she is recovering."

((OOC" We vote in favor of the amendment))

President Harrison gave Waerdt an odd look. “I am sure we are pleased that Her Highness is recovering.” At the back of the hall the President could see Richard Thorsen giving her a thin smile.

Becka looked away and glanced at the vote tally. “Well, it seems the proposal has passed. So we have our first provision. Are there any further motions at this time?”

(OOC: I know Knoot hasn’t posted a vote but I hope he won’t mind if I take his t-gram as an affirmative and move on to further motions…)

Jan Willem Daatman tapped against the microphone as the light of Knootoss lit up.

"We have some proposals of our own but I would not want to impose on any sort of order the Danaan might have for their proposals?" The diplomatic smile of the Knootian Prime Minister betrayed little of his feelings about the progress of the conference so far, and this was probably for the best. He cast a weak smile at Waerdt. "If not, I would like to outline our proposal for mutual diplomatic consultation for the North Atlantic region."

((OOC: well I had objected to the idea of passing motions on this treaty by vote in the first place, if you recall, but it seems everyone has basically ignored that out of convenience… I really don’t want to backtrack on this AGAIN because I would like to finish this conference within this century. I have a funny feeling that not pursuing it now will come to haunt me later when I’ll be outvoted again on points that are absolutely vital to me because Saxmere gets a vote on this for reasons beyond my understanding. Le sigh.

Oh... need to answer Jo's letter too. Next post I will.))

Letter:

To: Aurora von Konigsmark, foreign minister, Lavenrunz
From: Tim de Boer, state-secretary of Foreign Affairs and Defence, Knootoss
Subject: Re: advice
Status: Confidential, Stg. (State Secret.)

Your Excellency,

Thanks to you for consulting us again on the matter of Her Imperial Teutonic Majesties decision. I fear that I must press in the strongest terms for a rejection of the proposal of an Imperial Commission.

As you are well-aware the Dutch Democratic Republic holds representative democracy very dear, and democratic openness and debate are core Knootian values. When it comes to government decisions and general policy it is always preferable, in our opinion, to have an open debate. If, for example, Lavenrunzian membership of VERITAS were to be opposed by some members of the Volksraad we would welcome an open debate on the matter. Knootoss would, of course, take a strong position in favour of the Alliance and we feel that any debate on policies and interests would and should be ‘winnable’ in the Democratic arena.

However the proposed Imperial Commission is not, we feel, desired to investigate facts but rather to give a political platform to certain sentiments which are prevalent in Lavenrunzian society and to use these sentiments for political gain against Her Teutonic Majesties Loyal Government and policies. We are talking about an open-ended Commission directed against certain people (Knootians and the Order, which strangely enough are virtually equated) rather than a debate about a certain policy of Lavenrunz for the consideration of the Volkraad. This, in our strong opinion, is a recepy for McCarthyism.

Such an open-ended inquiry, instigated by political motives and directed against a people rather than a policy, is likely to create a witch-hunt, especially if so little is actually known about the matter involved. Speculation and fears, rather than facts and figures are the source of most "knowledge" about the Order and its activities. This may in itself be regrettable (the Knootian government cannot, constitutionally, take a position on this matter) but we do not subscribe to the adagium that "if you are innocent you have nothing to hide". Certainly, actions taken by other countries against the Order provide some justification for their secrecy. This is not a matter for the Knootian state, but it does make such an open-ended mandate for the Volkraad unwise, especially if it may prove to hurt relations between our two countries.

Should Her Imperial Teutonic Majesty decide to veto the Imperial Commission I can promise you that Knootian intelligence agencies will look into the activities of the Order and relay to your government any information that may be of importance. We would also be willing to divert resources for an investigation into the activities of the Order in Lavenrunz, should this be desired.

Yours,

Tim de Boer
State-Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Defence, Knootoss
Omnia mutantur nos et mutamur in illis

Waerdt nodded to Daatman as Rapalje and Ramaalas began handing out yet another document to the delegates, in English, French, and Dutch. "The Resurgent Dream moves that the document now being handed out be submitted to this conferences for debate, amendment, and a vote."

Article 2: The Binding Nature of Treaties

1. When this treaty has been ratified by the Confederation of Sovereign States, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, the Dominion of Upper Virginia, and the State of Saxmere by their respective procedures of ratification, it shall hold the force of law for all signatories.

2. If any signatory should fail to ratify this treaty, it shall not go into effect.

3. The Teutonic Empire of Lavenrunz, should they wish to accept the terms of this treaty at any time, shall be admitted under the same terms as the other powers.

4. Any other recognized sovereign state wishing to come under the terms of this treaty, provided they possess territory in or adjacent to the Atlantic Ocean in the Northern Hemisphere, may do so only with the unanimous consent of all current signatories.

5. Any signatory in clear or open breach of the treaty is no longer entitled to the protection of the treaty for as long as they remain in violation. Other signatories may take such retaliatory actions as they see fit while the breach continues, but none are obliged to do so. As soon as such a violation ceases, the full protection of the treaty is restored.

6. If, at any point, two or more signatory states feel that the treaty has been violated either so grievously or so often by one or more other signatory states as to render it ineffectual, they may demand that the treaty be renegotiated. Should such an unfortunate circumstance arrive, all parties are obliged to make a good faith effort at renegotiation.

7.The signatories to this treaty affirm the legal and moral principle that nations are obliged to abide by all treaties into which they legitimately enter so long as the other parties to such treaties do so as well.

The Knootian delegation briefly exchanged a few words before Vologdov raised her voice.

"I appreciate the spirit of this document but I'm afraid that my delegation does have a few objections to the wording of this proposed article", she began "first of all, the demand in the first clause that the State of Saxmere ratify this treaty is a mistake. The matter of Saxmere sovereignty is yet to be decided upon in a referendum, so it would not be prudent to make the entire treaty dependent on the referendum going the way of the separatists.

Furthermore, I believe that the clause regarding Lavenrunz is not needed, given that they are located outside of the North Atlantic region. I will gladly listen to the other members of this Conference, but we certainly have not received any signs that the Teutonic Empire is interested in ratifying this treaty. Their absence at this negotiation table, if anything, should prove that."

And apparently some who are here do not wish to sign it anymore, Vologdov thought to herself before she continued.

"I must be opposed to clause five and demand that it be removed in its entirety. As long as judgement of what constitutes 'violation of the treaty' remains in the hands of the signatory states we cannot agree to sign a document which creates a casus belli. We have our own proposals for a mechanism to resolve disputes which we will shortly present to this assembly instead.

Clause six finally, whilst no doubt well-intended, does not use the language of the legal professional. Good faith is something that is very hard to judge, and in combination with clause five it could even be invoked as a casus belli! I would propose to replace clause six with a generic article at the end of the treaty which states that any party may request a convention to renegotiate the terms of the treaty."

Waerdt frowned slightly but nonetheless lit up his light. "Very well. The Resurgent Dream moves that clause one of article two be amended to read 'When this treaty has been ratified by the Confederation of Sovereign States, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, and the Dominion of Upper Virginia by their respective procedures of ratification and has received the consent of the government of the State of Saxmere, it shall hold the force of law for all signatories. If the referendum to be held in Saxmere should result in sovereignty, this treaty shall immediately enter the procedures for formal ratification in that new state as well.' That clause five be amended to read that 'Violations of this treaty shall be referred to a conflict resolution mechanism detailed afterwords, excepting when such violation takes the form of a military assault against a sovereign state prohibited by this treaty, in which case no terms of this treaty shall prejudice the right of a signatory state from defending their own sovereign territory or that of an ally from attack.' That clause six be amended to read 'Any signatory state shall have the right to request a renegotiation of the treaty and any two signatory states shall have the right to demand it. During such a renegotiation, the current treaty shall remain in effect until a new agreement is reached or the parties reach a consensus that no such renegotiated treaty is possible.' That the article be amended to contain a new clause seven reading 'All parties pledge to refrain from any unilateral withdrawal from the treaty for a period of at least one year and to give a period of at least three months notice in such an event.' And that clause seven be renumbered as clause eight."

((OOC: The times are short by RL standards but pretty long given the speed with which events move in NS. All times are real time, no fluid time wanking them along.))

"Those changes would make the proposed article acceptable to the Dutch Democratic Republic", Vologdov said simply. "Thank you."

"The new seventh clause isn't acceptable to Pantocratoria." said Raoul. "We are comfortable with the requirement to give three months notice before withdrawal from the treaty, and we do not feel that the one year's minimum membership is necessary in the light of that requirement that notice be given three months before a signatory's withdrawal. We are otherwise happy with the proposed amendments."

Lady Jessica conferred quietly with the Minister of State. After a moment she nodded and gestured towards the microphone. Sir Albert leaned forward. “We find the proposal, as amended, acceptable, with the exception noted by Monsieur Raoul. We propose that the seventh clause be amended to remove the one year minimum membership and simply maintain that three months notice be given prior to withdrawal.”

Foreign Secretary Janice Rundeles leaned forward. “The Confederation is pleased to see relative accord for a change. However, we feel that three months notice is too short a notice for withdrawal. Without any provision for minimum membership, this treaty could prove very transient indeed. We propose six months notice before withdrawal. We further propose that it be recognized in the treaty that it should remain in full force for the withdrawing state for the entirety of the six-month period following written notice of intent to withdraw.”

Sir Albert shrugged. “I see no particular point to the Confederation’s revision; however, in the interest of moving ahead, we are prepared to accept them.”

Governor Peller nodded. “And Saxmere is prepared to accept the article, as amended by all parties.”

President Becka Harrison gave a rare smile. “Very well. If everyone is satisfied, can be pass this article by consensus?” She paused and looked around the room, waiting for an objection.

"What about a compromise between six and three months? Say one hundred and forty days?" Raoul suggested. "We'd be happy with that. Would that be agreeable to the Confederation?"

Waerdt lit up his light. "One hundred and forty days is a rather short period of time. It seems rather counterproductive to put a clause into an article dedicated primarily to affirming the binding nature of this agreement which allows it to be dissolved so soon and so easily. Furthermore, I do not see one hundred and forty days as a compromising measure given that the original time of six months was itself already a compromise between the one year proposal and the three months proposal."

"One year wasn't the amount of notice which had to be given in the case of withdrawal. Three months was. I proposed that the one year's minimum membership be done away with, the Confederation proposed that the amount of notice be extended to six months as a result. I don't see the reason why the amount of notice would need to be extended..." Raoul said, shrugging his shoulders. "But we will accept six months as the minimum withdrawal notice if formal ratification of the treaty is deferred until after the outcome of the referendum."

Governor Sean Peller felt eyes around the room turning towards him. "The referenda are scheduled for the beginning of next week; we will know the results very soon. I support Minister Raoul's proposal."

"Why," Foreign Secretary Rundeles said stiffly, "would anyone want to delay ratification until after the referenda, unless they are planning to reject it if the referenda do not go their way?"

"I cannot speak for Pantocratoria," Sir Albert said, "but I would point out to my Confederate colleague that if a treaty is signed at the end of this summit, under the norms of international law, the parties are expected to abide by its terms whether until such a time as their domestic legislature expressly rejects ratification. Therefore, with the referenda taking place so soon, I see no harm in Pantocratoria's proposal."

"If Pantocratoria will confirm that its interpretation of international law coincides with yours, Sir Albert, and," Rundeles turned to glance at the Knootian delegation, "if no one else objects, we are prepared to accept this. In the interest of moving forward; we would, after all, like to have an agreement in place before the referenda."

President Harrison looked from Knootian delegation to the Danaans. "Any further discussion? It seems we are quite close to consensus here…"

"Our understanding is consistent with that just expressed." Raoul nodded. "And to explain, it makes sense to wait until we are certain about the participants in this treaty before asking the Imperial Parliament and the Emperor to ratify it; if for no other reason, in the event that Saxmere became an independent state and signatory in its own right after the referendum, an amended ratification would immediately need to be passed through by the Imperial Parliament. Knowing that no such second ratification will be necessary, we are comfortable with a six month minimum period for notice prior to withdrawal rather than a three month one."

"The Resurgent Dream moves that clause seven be amended to read 'Any party intending unilateral withdrawal from the terms of this treaty must give all other parties six months notice. During the intervening six months, the treaty shall remain in full effect.'"

President Becka Harrison nodded. “Very well. I think we have consensus.”

Becka turned to Foreign Secretary Yultidle and leaned over to whisper something in his ear. He nodded and called over one of his department’s functionaries and whispered something to him. The functionary nodded and walked briskly away. Moments later, Upper Virginian officials began passing out yellow sheets of paper.

“I believe this document reflects all the amendments that were discussed. Those in favour of the article should indicate their assent.”

Article 2: The Binding Nature of Treaties

1. When this treaty has been ratified by the Confederation of Sovereign States, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, and the Dominion of Upper Virginia by their respective procedures of ratification and has received the consent of the government of the State of Saxmere, it shall hold the force of law for all signatories. If the referendum to be held in Saxmere should result in sovereignty, this treaty shall immediately enter the procedures for formal ratification in that new state as well.

2. If any signatory should fail to ratify this treaty, it shall not go into effect.

3. The Teutonic Empire of Lavenrunz, should they wish to accept the terms of this treaty at any time, shall be admitted under the same terms as the other powers.

4. Any other recognized sovereign state wishing to come under the terms of this treaty, provided they possess territory in or adjacent to the Atlantic Ocean in the Northern Hemisphere, may do so only with the unanimous consent of all current signatories.

5. Violations of this treaty shall be referred to a conflict resolution mechanism detailed afterwords, excepting when such violation takes the form of a military assault against a sovereign state prohibited by this treaty, in which case no terms of this treaty shall prejudice the right of a signatory state from defending their own sovereign territory or that of an ally from attack.

6. Any signatory state shall have the right to request a renegotiation of the treaty and any two signatory states shall have the right to demand it. During such a renegotiation, the current treaty shall remain in effect until a new agreement is reached or the parties reach a consensus that no such renegotiated treaty is possible.

7. Any party intending unilateral withdrawal from the terms of this treaty must give all other parties six months notice. During the intervening six months, the treaty shall remain in full effect.

8. The signatories to this treaty affirm the legal and moral principle that nations are obliged to abide by all treaties into which they legitimately enter so long as the other parties to such treaties do so as well.

(OOC: Please indicate your votes; if approved, we can move on to the next motion.)

((We vote for))

Knootos voted for.

President Harrison nodded. "The proposal is adopted." She picked up a glass of water and took a sip. As she did so Upper Virginian officials once again moved through the conference hall distributing fresh sheets of paper.

The president smiled. "The documents being distributed reflect our achievement so far. With two articles adopted, I would like to open the floor to further proposals. I note, in particular, that there is a need for an article to address the conflict resolution mechanism mentioned in Article 2, section 5."

Article 1: Mutual Recognition of and Respect for Sovereignty

1. The Danaan High Kingdom of the Resurgent Dream, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, the Dominion of Upper Virginia and the Confederation of Sovereign States are recognized as unconditionally sovereign states. Saxmere is recognized as unconditionally sovereign to the extent that it chooses sovereignty in the forthcoming referenda. Further, notwithstanding their sovereign status, all the parties to this agreement pledge unconditionally and irrevocably to recognize the results of forthcoming referenda in Saxmere.

2. The existing and established governmental institutions of all signatory states are recognized as the only legitimate claimants to sovereign authority over the sovereign territory of the signatory states except as provided for in the agreement on a Saxmere referendum. This provision shall not be interpreted to in any way prejudice the existing federal system in the Resurgent Dream and the Confederation of Sovereign States.

3. The generally recognized territorial claims and claims for exclusive fishing rights of each party (as detailed in Appendix A) is recognized by all the parties.

4. Each sovereign state signatory to this treaty undertakes to maintain an embassy in every other sovereign state signatory to this treaty. Each signatory undertakes to respect reasonable diplomatic norms with regard to the embassies of other signatory states, including the recognition of diplomatic immunity, the recognition of the extraterritoriality of embassies, and the sanctity of the diplomatic pouch. Signatory states reserve the right to expel a diplomat from their territory and request another in the eventuality that a diplomat’s conduct actively poses an ascertainable threat to the public safety or the national security of their host nation. Each nation also undertakes to manage its embassies in such a way as to minimize any such eventuality.

Article 2: The Binding Nature of Treaties

1. When this treaty has been ratified by the Confederation of Sovereign States, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, and the Dominion of Upper Virginia by their respective procedures of ratification and has received the consent of the government of the State of Saxmere, it shall hold the force of law for all signatories. If the referendum to be held in Saxmere should result in sovereignty, this treaty shall immediately enter the procedures for formal ratification in that new state as well.

2. If any signatory should fail to ratify this treaty, it shall not go into effect.

3. The Teutonic Empire of Lavenrunz, should they wish to accept the terms of this treaty at any time, shall be admitted under the same terms as the other powers.

4. Any other recognized sovereign state wishing to come under the terms of this treaty, provided they possess territory in or adjacent to the Atlantic Ocean in the Northern Hemisphere, may do so only with the unanimous consent of all current signatories.

5. Violations of this treaty shall be referred to a conflict resolution mechanism detailed afterwords, excepting when such violation takes the form of a military assault against a sovereign state prohibited by this treaty, in which case no terms of this treaty shall prejudice the right of a signatory state from defending their own sovereign territory or that of an ally from attack.

6. Any signatory state shall have the right to request a renegotiation of the treaty and any two signatory states shall have the right to demand it. During such a renegotiation, the current treaty shall remain in effect until a new agreement is reached or the parties reach a consensus that no such renegotiated treaty is possible.

7. Any party intending unilateral withdrawal from the terms of this treaty must give all other parties six months notice. During the intervening six months, the treaty shall remain in full effect.

8. The signatories to this treaty affirm the legal and moral principle that nations are obliged to abide by all treaties into which they legitimately enter so long as the other parties to such treaties do so as well.

Waerdt nodded at this, glancing over at the Knootians. He decided to wait before making the next Danaan proposal and let Daatman move for his conflict resolution mechanism.

Daatman nodded slightly as the Knootian delegation passed out their proposal.

"I realise that these proposals do not yet touch the issue of conflict resolution", he told the assembled, "but I do feel that they deserve to be given a place of prominence in the treaty."

Article 3 – Regular Meetings
1. The Heads of Government of all signatory nations will give the necessary directives in accordance with needs and will follow regularly the application of the programmes described in article four, five, six and seven of this treaty. They will meet to this effect each time this will be necessary and, in principle, at least twice a year.
2. The Foreign Ministers of all signatory nations will jointly supervise the execution of the programme described in articles four, five, six and seven. They will meet at least every three months. Without prejudice to contacts normally established through embassies, the relevant high officials of the signatory Foreign Ministries will meet each month alternatively in the respective capitals of signatory nations to assess current problems and to prepare the meeting of Ministers. The diplomatic missions and the consulates of the nations, as well as their permanent representation at international organisations, will make all contacts necessary on problems of common interest.
3. Regular meetings will take place between the responsible authorities of the signatory nations in the fields of defence, education and youth. They will in no way affect the functioning of already existing organisms whose activities will be developed.
4. In each of the signatory nations an inter-ministerial commission will be charged with following the problems of cooperation. It will be presided over by a high official of the Foreign Ministries and will include representatives of all the interested administrations. Its role will be to coordinate the action of the interested ministries and to make periodically a report to its government on the state of North Atlantic cooperation. It will also have the task of presenting all useful suggestions with a view to the execution of the programme and its extension to new fields.

Article 4 - Foreign Affairs programme
1. The signatory Governments will consult before any decision on all important questions of foreign policy and, in the first place, on questions of common interest, with a view to reaching as far as possible an analogous position.
2. With regard to aid to developing nations, the signatory Governments will systematically compare their programmes with a view to maintaining close coordination.They will study the possibility of undertaking joint projects. The Foreign Ministers will determine together the practical bases of this collaboration.
3. The signatory Governments will study jointly the means of reinforcing, where relevant, their cooperation in other important sectors of Transnational Economic Policy, such as trade, energy, the problems of communications and transport and industrial development, within the framework of economic cooperation, as well as the policy of exchange rates.

Article 5 Defence programme
1. In the field of strategy and tactics, the competent authorities of the signatory nations will endeavour to bring their doctrines closer together with a view to reaching common conceptions. North Atlantic institutes of operational research will be set up.
2. Exchanges of personnel between the armies will be established and, where relevant, increased. They will concern in particular instructors and students of the general staff colleges and may include the temporary detachment of entire units. In order to facilitate these exchanges, an effort will be made by both sides with a view to the practical teaching of the languages of the trainees.
3. With regard to armaments, the signatory Governments will endeavour to organise work in common from the stage of drawing up appropriate armaments plans and of the preparation of plans for financing them. To this end, mixed commissions will study current researches on these plans in the signatory nations and will present proposals to the ministries who will examine them at their quarterly meetings and will give the necessary directives for application.

Article 6 Education programme
In the field of education, efforts will be concentrated mainly on the following points:
1. Language teaching:
The signatory Governments recognise the vital importance that knowledge of each other's language in each of the signatory nations holds for North Atlantic cooperation. In particular they will strive, with this aim in mind, to take concrete steps to increase the number of Knootian schoolchildren learning French and the number of Pantocratorian schoolchildren learning Dutch. In all establishments of higher learning it will be of advantage to arrange practical instruction of the French language in Knootoss and of the Dutch language in Pantocratoria, open to all students.
2. Problems of equivalences:
The competent authorities in all nations will be asked to speed up the adoption of arrangements ensuring that terms of study, examinations, university awards and diplomas correspond.
3. Cooperation on scientific research:
Research organisations and scientific institutions will develop their contacts beginning with the fullest possible exchange of information. Coordinated research programmes will be set up in disciplines where this is feasible.
4. Removing common misconceptions:
The signatory Governments will undertake a thorough review of their respective education systems and seek to remove common misconceptions and propaganda which may exist in these respective systems, insofar as these misconceptions and propaganda are not conductive to the goal of fostering closer North Atlantic relations.

Article 7 Youth Programme
1. Young people in the signatory nations will be given every opportunity to strengthen the bonds which link them and to increase mutual cooperation. In particular, collective exchanges will be increased.
2. A body for developing these opportunities and promoting the exchanges will be set up by the signatory nations with a single administrative council in charge. This organisation will have at its disposal a joint North Atlantic fund to be used for exchanges between the signatory nations, of school children, students, young artisans and workers.

"Most of this is agreeable to the Resurgent Dream." Waerdt said "We have a number of concerns with article five, however, our primary objection is to the unfortunate and unexplained focus on Knootoss and Pantocratoria in articlle six and the corresponding focus on French and Dutch. Given that of the seven parties assembled here, the official language of five of them is English, are you sure it's appropriate that only French and Dutch are referenced here?"

"Well, we figured English would be a lingua franca as it is without any specific need for promotion", Daatman said with a congenial smile. "However we would not object to amending the proposal to be inclusive of other languages. I can also imagine that Greek be included as it is the second language of Pantocratoria, for example."

"Can we please discuss articles one at a time from now on?" Raoul sighed as he looked over the list.

Drapeur, Raoul, and the aides in the Pantocratorian delegation all poured over the Knootian articles. There was an excited buzz from the Pantocratorians and an awful lot of frowning from many of the policy aides. Raoul seemed particularly unimpressed, as usual, but Drapeur's poker face from the day before seemed to have disappeared - and he didn't look particularly impressed. After a few minutes, Raoul's light lit up and he spoke into the microphone.

"We'll go through this proposal one article at a time..." Raoul began. "Article three, we have no objections... article four... section three, we don't see how exchange rates are a matter for policy discussions, since most signatories, if not all, allow the market to set the value of their currencies, and as such, have no control over foreign exchange rates. Perhaps if there are some signatories left whose governments set the value of their currencies, then that issue should be discussed, otherwise we don't see the purpose of discussing exchange rates."

Drapeur leaned forward into his microphone to address the next article, letting Raoul pull back to consult with a policy advisor.

"I'll be frank. The only part of article five which we can see as having any merit whatsoever is the third clause, where we propose that the word 'researches' be changed simply to research, just because it reads better. The other two sections of article five are not acceptable to Pantocratoria, and we do not see how they would be of substantive benefit to any of the signatories." said Drapeur in a flat voice.

"As for article six, we had no idea that education was going to be a topic for discussion at this summit, we would've brought our colleague Marie-Anne Trabzondi, Minister for Education." Raoul remarked, as if annoyed. "We frankly don't see why article six is even a topic for discussion at this summit, however, since the Prime Minister brought it up, allow me now to address it. What can one say about the first section, other than that it speaks volumes as to how thoroughly it was thought out beforehand when the Prime Minister only just now remembered that Greek is an official language of Pantocratoria? We were not planning on discussing our school curriculum at these negotiations, and still don't intend to do so. We have no intention of altering it at this stage either, I might add. The second article..."

"....is salvageable with some rewording so as to clarify that what is being proposed isn't the imposition of a uniform system of degrees, diplomas and certificates." Drapeur said. Raoul leaned back and took a note from a policy advisor.

"We suggest the following wording in its place... The competent authorities in signatory nations will make their own enquiries into the qualifications awarded by equivalent authorities in other signatories, and on the basis of those enquiries, each national authority will produce a list of equivalent qualifications." read Raoul. He thought about it for a moment. "Perhaps it would be appropriate to say more than just qualifications... but you get the gist."

"Section three of article six is made redundant by standard practice in the academic world, really, and all it will accomplish is the creation of new bureaucracies to oversee something which more or less happens naturally. Nevertheless, there is some merit to the idea of governments encouraging co-ordinated research programmes so we do not object." Drapeur said. "Section four seems to allude to whatever nonsense the Knootian delegation was carrying on about as part of their outburst yesterday, about what we teach our school children. It would appear that the concern is not as trivial as I thought it yesterday - the matter will be referred to the Ministry of Education. However, I don't believe it's an appropriate section for an international treaty, and I have no intention of ordering a long, drawn out, costly parliamentary review of the public education system in Pantocratoria without advice from my Minister for Education that such a review is necessary."

"Article seven... Pantocratoria already has school exchange programmes with most of the signatory nations, and is pleased with how successful these have been. We'd be happy to extend them." Raoul said. "But section two of article seven... you want to create an international administrative council, with a joint fund? Really, the funding of new, international bureaucracies isn't what any of us are here for, I would've thought. We therefore believe that section two should be removed, and frankly don't think it needs to be replaced, since, as I have observed, we already run foreign exchange programmes, quite successfully, without the need for a centralised bureaucracy."

"I think that covers it. May I ask how much more esoteric these proposals are going to get?" Drapeur asked. "Or will the rest be limited to foreign policy?"

"I move that we take a recess to contact appropriate officials in our respective capitals with regard to those aspects of the Knootian proposals involving education and other domestic issues." Waerdt said, smirking inwardly at Raoul's words.

Lady Jessica tried to read through the Knootian proposals quickly, highlighting passages of particular interest, even as she tried to follow Raoul and Drapeur’s exhaustive and somewhat caustic commentary. In substance she found that she agreed with the Pantocratorians more often than not, yet she could not but wish they would at least attempt to conceal their disdain for Daatman and his government.

She leaned over and began comparing notes with her Minister of State. After a few moments she nodded and Sir Albert turned on the signal light. “Madam President, fellow delegates,” the rotund minister said, still flipping through the pages of the Knootian proposals, “I see the merit in Dr. Waerdt’s motion for a recess. However, I believe we are close to agreement on several of these proposals. Therefore, we propose that we separate the articles and pass those on which we have agreement and then adjourn to consult on those that remain contentious.”

“If I may,” Lady Jessica said, “Madam President, let me suggest that there seems to be a consensus on Article Three; I believe we should be able to quickly pass this article. Similarly, Article Four appears unopposed, with the exception noted by Minister Raoul; I, too, would agree that with, I believe, all the signatories committed to free-floating market-based exchange rates there is little point to discussing exchange rates further. So, I believe we can easily pass this article as well.”

The chancellor turned the page and held the document up and squinted slightly. “Article Five will be problematic. We share Pantocratoria’s concern over section one. We find section two acceptable – in principle and within limits. We have found officer exchanges and including foreign cadets in our military academies to be beneficial. Section three merits discussion, but we feel it does need some work.” She looked to Sir Albert.

Clearing his throat, the Minister of State continued. “As for Article Six, we have to object to both section one and four. Minister Raoul’s revised section two is acceptable to us. We also agree to section three. If Knootoss were to consent to strike sections one and four and accept the revised section two, we believe Article Six could be passed easily, as is. If Knootoss wished to pursue the other points, we should suggest they raise them again at a later time.”

Sir Albert looked up from his papers. “Excalbia strongly supports the idea behind Article Seven, but would suggest further elaboration. Perhaps something along these lines.” The minister looked down and began to read. “Article Seven, section one: The signatories agree to expand educational and cultural exchanges by establishing special categories of no-fee visas for high school and university exchanges, cultural exchanges including but not limited to youth and amateur performing groups, summer work and travel programs and other short-and-long term academic exchanges. These categories of visas will be made available to citizens of the other signatory nations without numerical limits. Section two: In order to promote high school and cultural exchanges, the signatory countries agree to jointly establish a international, non-profit, non-governmental body that will develop and fund appropriate programs and recruit participants in each of the signatory nations. Section three: In order to promote youth educational exchanges at the university level, the signatories agree to jointly establish a special scholarship fund that will administered in each country by the embassies of the signatory nations. Scholarships will be made available to deserving young citizens of the host countries to pay full tuition, room and board at a university in embassies’ home country.”

“We recognize,” Lady Jessica interrupted, “that the parties may need time to discuss our amendment to Article Seven, since it is a rather extensive revision.”

President Harrison sighed, then smiled. “This is quite a lot to sort through,” she said. “However, I think it is positive and I am pleased to see that we are moving forward. Now, we do have two motions to consider. The first is to recess for consultations. The second is to vote on Article Three as is and on the amended Articles Four – dropping the reference to exchange rates – and Six – dropping sections one and four and amending section two as proposed by Pantocratoria – and then adjourn for consultations on Articles Five and Seven.” Becka looked around. “Are there seconds for either motion?”

"With respect, and while we agree that there are parts of this which we could agree to immediately... if we're going to break to consult, it doesn't really do any harm to defer the consideration of the parts to which there could be immediate agreement." Raoul said. "And a break could be used by the Knootian delegation to rework this proposal in the light of the objections which have been voiced just now."

President Harrison nodded. "I will take that as a second to the Danaan motion. All those in favour of a recess?"

Seeing that Saxmere and the Confederation joined Pantocratoria in supporting the recess, the president nodded and said, "Very well. We shall take a recess. Let us try to make it as brief as possible." She looked at her watch. "We shall break for three hours and resume after lunch."

With that, the president stood and made her way out of the room.

As soon as the meeting was in recess, President Caine and Foreign Secretary Rundeles made their way towards the Knootian delegation.

Lady Jessica stood and approached the Pantocratorians, while Sir Albert made his way towards Dr. Waerdt.

Drapeur and Raoul rose from their seats. Drapeur acknowledged Lady Jessica with a nod while Raoul discussed something with a policy advisor. Both looked increasingly disenchanted with the process as the conference wore on, and Drapeur's mood in particular had soured rapidly after the Knootian delegation's outburst on the previous day, which had almost seen them storm out of the room. He had placed a lot of confidence in the impact the inclusion of the KGP at the expense of the RCPK in the Knootian Government would have on negotiations with Knootoss, and a lot of hope that Daatman personally would prove to be a good deal more reasonable than his elven predecessor. While there was some difference, Drapeur wasn't sure it was an improvement, at least not from a Pantocratorian perspective. The Knootian position on Saxmere and its interference in the Excalbian Isles generally remained unchanged, only now, a whole extra set of policies had been adopted, predicated on an artificial community arbitrarily created by the Knootian Prime Minister or, more likely, by one of his speechwriters. The Knootians now appeared to be more interested in a solution to a problem, the existence of which Drapeur hadn't even been aware until he had arrived in Upper Virginia, than in the problem which seemed to Drapeur to be most urgent and pressing - the tensions in the Excalbian Isles as a result of Knootoss peeling the Confederation away from Excalbia.

"Madame Chancellor," Drapeur said to greet Lady Jessica, speaking in English now. "What news of the Emperor's condition?"

Waerdt's expression was rather more neutral than Drapeur's. He didn't particularly consider the Knootian proposals to be as vital as Daatman seemed to think they were but at the same time he found little in them that was actually objectionable and he was sure that little could be fixed easily enough. Unless the Pantocratorians or Excalbians opposed this articles with particular vehemence, he had no objection to passing them in a slightly modified form as a gesture of good faith towards the Knootians.

Like the Pantocratorians, Waerdt was aware that the North Atlantic region was largely a Knootian invention. The difference was, he didn't care. While, like the Pantocratorians, the Danaans had originally intended only to deal with the current crisis in the Excalbian Isles, they saw the Knootian insistence on a more comprehensive treaty as an opportunity rather than an inconvenience. It wasn't that Waerdt believed the nations represented here, seven among thousands of North Atlantic peoples, has any partiocular special community of interests. It was rather that any comprehensive treaty between democratic or semi-democratic states provided an opportunity to help build, formalize, and solidify the Kantian-Rawlsian Pacific Union which was a dream of so many in the Liberal Party.

To Waerdt, the Knootians attempt to pressure the other parties into accepting more than they wanted to seemed short sided. A comprehensive treaty that gave all the nations things clearly to their benefit and which their people could embrace, even if its scope was small, could expand to be a broader and broader treaty. Meanwhile, a perfect treaty that some nations only signed under diplomatic pressure seemed unlikely to last long.

On the other hand, the Pantocratorians seemed stubborn and reluctant to agree to anything. Waerdt feared inwardly that if the Pantocratorian ideal involved nothing beyond a Saxmere referendum and a narrow non-aggression pact. The Knootians seemed a force unwilling to stop and the Pantocratorians a barrier unwilling to budge. And Waerdt found himself between them.

Of course, none of this showed on the face of the experienced diplomat. He simply smiled at Sir Albert. "Sir Albert, it is an honor." HYe offered his hand.

“Dr. Waerdt,” Sir Albert said as shook the Danaan’s hand, “the pleasure is mine. How is Her Highness doing? She gave all of us quite a fright.”

After waiting for Waerdt’s answer, the State Minister continued. “So, Doctor, let me put it to you directly, how do you feel the negotiations are going? Do you see a way forward to bring us to some swift and amicable resolution?”

* * *

Lady Jessica nodded politely to Drapeur. “Your Excellency,” she said, acknowledging the greeting. “I am afraid the news from the Citadel is not good,” she said, speaking in a low whisper. “It seems the Emperor has slipped into a coma. The doctors are at a bit of a loss to explain it, actually. However, there is some good news – the military and the Imperial Guard have completed their investigation and they can find no sign of foul play.”

The chancellor looked cautiously around the room. “As you can imagine, I am quite anxious to bring these talks to some semblance of a successful conclusion and get back to the capital.”

* * *

President Tom Caine approached Prime Minister Daatman. “Prime Minister,” he said softly, “I think we are getting close here, but I fear we may also be close to losing the patience of some of our colleagues. Perhaps the time has come to focus on our key priorities…”

"Her Highness is recovering well enough." Wardt said evasively. The Pantocratorians had not yet met with Danaan embassy officials to speak about the incident. Waerdt was gradually becoming quite suspicious.

"I believe that we are on the right path right now. We are gradually building a truly comprehensive agreement which will establish healthy, normal relations between the nations of the North Atlantic. I think we've made remarkable progress for such a short time. It has been only a couple days of negotiations, after all. I am still catching up on Her Highness's notes from the first day, however." Waerdt answered.

Shrugging slightly, he excused himself. "I really do need to contact my Government during this recess, Sir Albert. I don't really have much time to chat with the other delegations. I shall see you after lunch, no?" He offerred the man his hand again before politely heading back to the embassy for the purpose of having rather long conversations with more than one Danaan Government Minister.

As the delegates drifted off to contact their home governments or consult among themselves in private, President Tom Caine found himself nearly alone in the meeting hall and standing face-to-face with Lady Jessica Tagaarth.

“Madam Chancellor,” the President said politely.

“Mr. President,” the Imperial Chancellor nodded. “So,” she said rather breezily, “how do you see the negotiations?”

“They’ve gone very well. For you and Saxmere,” Caine said flatly.

Lady Jessica titled her head to one side. “Really? How so?”

“Well, Madam Chancellor, you have gained our one concession to give – namely our pledge to recognize the outcome of the Saxmerean referendum. Yet, we – and our allies – have seen little in the way of the permanent arrangements that would assure us of our security. And I fear that without them, the entire enterprise will fail.”

Lady Jessica looked rather intently at the president. “I should certainly hope that we will not let this conference fail, Mr. President.”

Caine shrugged. He started to turn, then paused. “Madam Chancellor, I do have an idea.”

“Yes?”

“It might help bring things to a satisfactory conclusion if a smaller number of delegates – you and I – were to sit out and iron out an agreement. Something acceptable to us ought to be acceptable to our allies as well.”

Lady Jessica nodded. “Yes, that might be sensible.”

“Good, let us arrange a working lunch and set to work.”

The Chancellor nodded and called over Sir Albert. When the rotund Minister of State approached she said, “Sir Albert, President Caine and I are going to try to finalize an agreement; please let the Danaans and the Pantocratorians know. And let them know we will send drafts of anything we make progress on to them for review.”

Sir Albert nodded and headed off, noting that his counterpart, Foreign Secretary Janice Rundeles, was also on her way out after a brief conversation with Caine. He guessed she was on a similar mission to the Knootian delegation.

The negotiations between the President and the Chancellor made progress in sporadic fits and starts. Nevertheless, as the time to resume the conference approached, both agreed that they were making enough progress to keep going.

President Becka Harrison was at her small private office in the Presidential Palace trying to catch up on her paperwork when her special assistant knocked at the door.

“Come in, Gwen,” she said.

Gwen Ubrecht walked into the president’s office. “Madam President, a message from Chancellor Tagaarth and President Caine.” Ubrecht handed the sealed envelop to the president.

Becka took the message with trepidation; she did not expect good news from those two. She tore the envelop open and, as he read it, she began to smile. “Well, well, they want more time to negotiation one-on-one; they think they’re making progress.” Becka looked up at Gwen. “Please let the other delegations know that we’ll stand in recess until tomorrow morning. I could use the time in any case.”

“Yes, Ma’am,” Gwen said, nodding as she excused herself.

The negotiations continued through the afternoon and late into the night. Through out the evening, Sir Albert and Janice Rundeles came and went from the private suite at the National Convention Centre, carrying drafts to the other delegations.

Finally, after finally sending a final draft to the other delegations well after midnight, Lady Jessica and Caine retired to their hotels.

The next morning, as the delegates arrived in the convention hall, they found copies of the agreement on each table.

On the tables the delegates found...



Article 1: Mutual Recognition of and Respect for Sovereignty

1. The Danaan High Kingdom of the Resurgent Dream, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, the Dominion of Upper Virginia and the Confederation of Sovereign States are recognized as unconditionally sovereign states. Saxmere is recognized as unconditionally sovereign to the extent that it chooses sovereignty in the forthcoming referenda. Further, notwithstanding their sovereign status, all the parties to this agreement pledge unconditionally and irrevocably to recognize the results of forthcoming referenda in Saxmere.

2. The existing and established governmental institutions of all signatory states are recognized as the only legitimate claimants to sovereign authority over the sovereign territory of the signatory states except as provided for in the agreement on a Saxmere referendum. This provision shall not be interpreted to in any way prejudice the existing federal system in the Resurgent Dream and the Confederation of Sovereign States.

3. The generally recognized territorial claims and claims for exclusive fishing rights of each party (as detailed in Appendix A) are recognized by all the parties.

4. Each sovereign state signatory to this treaty undertakes to maintain an embassy in every other sovereign state signatory to this treaty. Each signatory undertakes to respect reasonable diplomatic norms with regard to the embassies of other signatory states, including the recognition of diplomatic immunity, the recognition of the extraterritoriality of embassies, and the sanctity of the diplomatic pouch. Signatory states reserve the right to expel a diplomat from their territory and request another in the eventuality that a diplomat’s conduct actively poses an ascertainable threat to the public safety or the national security of their host nation. Each nation also undertakes to manage its embassies in such a way as to minimize any such eventuality.

Article 2: The Binding Nature of Treaties

1. When this treaty has been ratified by the Confederation of Sovereign States, the Holy and Most August Empire of Pantocratoria, the Dutch Democratic Republic of Knootoss, the Holy Empire of Excalbia, the Danaan High Kingdom of the Resurgent Dream and the Dominion of Upper Virginia by their respective procedures of ratification and has received the consent of the government of the State of Saxmere, it shall hold the force of law for all signatories. If the referendum to be held in Saxmere should result in sovereignty, this treaty shall immediately enter the procedures for formal ratification in that new state as well.

2. If any signatory should fail to ratify this treaty, it shall not go into effect.

3. The Teutonic Empire of Lavenrunz, should they wish to accept the terms of this treaty at any time, shall be admitted under the same terms as the other powers.

4. Any other recognized sovereign state wishing to come under the terms of this treaty, provided they possess territory in or adjacent to the Atlantic Ocean in the Northern Hemisphere, may do so only with the unanimous consent of all current signatories.

5. Violations of this treaty shall be referred to a conflict resolution mechanism detailed afterwards, excepting when such violation takes the form of a military assault against a sovereign state prohibited by this treaty, in which case no terms of this treaty shall prejudice the right of a signatory state from defending their own sovereign territory or that of an ally from attack.

6. Any signatory state shall have the right to request a renegotiation of the treaty and any two signatory states shall have the right to demand it. During such a renegotiation, the current treaty shall remain in effect until a new agreement is reached or the parties reach a consensus that no such renegotiated treaty is possible.

7. Any party intending unilateral withdrawal from the terms of this treaty must give all other parties six months notice. During the intervening six months, the treaty shall remain in full effect.

8. The signatories to this treaty affirm the legal and moral principle that nations are obliged to abide by all treaties into which they legitimately enter so long as the other parties to such treaties do so as well.

Article 3: Regular Meetings

1. The Heads of Government of all signatory nations will give the necessary directives in accordance with needs and will follow regularly the application of the programmes described in article four, five, six and seven of this treaty. They will meet to this effect each time this will be necessary and, in principle, at least twice a year.

2. The Foreign Ministers of all signatory nations will jointly supervise the execution of the programme described in articles four, five, six and seven. They will meet at least every three months. Without prejudice to contacts normally established through embassies, the relevant high officials of the signatory Foreign Ministries will meet each month alternatively in the respective capitals of signatory nations to assess current problems and to prepare the meeting of Ministers. The diplomatic missions and the
consulates of the nations, as well as their permanent representation at international organisations, will make all contacts necessary on problems of common interest.

3. Regular meetings will take place between the responsible authorities of the signatory nations in the fields of defence, education and culture. They will in no way affect the functioning of already existing organisms whose activities will be developed.

4. In each of the signatory nations an inter-ministerial commission will be charged with following the problems of cooperation. It will be presided over by an official of appropriate rank and position, in accordance with local law and custom, and will include representatives of all the interested administrations. Its role will be to coordinate the action of the interested ministries and to make periodically a report to its government on the state of North Atlantic cooperation. It will also have the task of presenting all useful suggestions with a view to the execution of the programme and its extension to new fields.

Article 4: Foreign Affairs Programme

1. The signatory Governments will consult before any decision on all important questions of foreign policy and, in the first place, on questions of common interest, with a view to reaching as far as possible an analogous position.

2. With regard to aid to developing nations, the signatory Governments will systematically compare their programmes with a view to maintaining close coordination. They will study the possibility of undertaking joint projects. The Foreign Ministers will determine together the practical bases of this collaboration.

3. The signatory Governments will study jointly the means of reinforcing, where relevant, their cooperation in other important sectors of Transnational Economic Policy, such as trade, energy, the problems of communications and transport and industrial development, within the framework of economic cooperation.

Article 5: Defence Programme

1. As an optional part of this agreement, exchanges of personnel between the armies will be established and, where relevant, increased. They will concern in particular instructors and students of the general staff colleges and may include the temporary detachment of field and staff officers. In order to facilitate these exchanges, an effort will be made by both sides with a view to the practical teaching of the languages of the trainees. Any signatory of this agreement may opt to take part in the exchange of military personnel. Such exchanges will take place on a non-discriminatory basis among those nations electing to take part in the programme.

2. With regard to armaments, the signatory Governments will endeavour to organise work in common from the stage of drawing up appropriate armaments plans and of the preparation of plans for financing them. To this end, mixed commissions will study current research on these plans in the signatory nations and will present proposals to the ministries who will examine them at their quarterly meetings and will give the necessary directives for application.

Article 6: Education Programme

1. The competent authorities in signatory nations will make their own enquiries into the qualifications awarded by equivalent authorities in other signatories, and on the basis of those enquiries, each national authority will produce a list of equivalent qualifications.

2. Research organisations and scientific institutions will develop their contacts beginning with the fullest possible exchange of information. Coordinated research programmes will be set up in disciplines where this is feasible.

Article 7: Youth Programme

1. The signatories agree to expand educational and cultural exchanges by establishing special categories of no-fee visas for high school and university exchanges, cultural exchanges including but not limited to youth and amateur performing groups, summer work and travel programs and other short-and-long term academic exchanges. These categories of visas will be made available to citizens of the other signatory nations without numerical limits.

2. In order to promote high school and cultural exchanges, the signatory countries agree to jointly establish a special fund to finance appropriate programmes. The also agree to jointly develop appropriate programmes and recruit participants in each of the signatory nations. Funding and administration of these may be carried out by the embassies of the signatory nations or by non-profit non-governmental organizations especially developed for the task by each participant.

3. In order to promote, youth educational exchanges at the university level, the signatories agree to jointly establish a special scholarship fund that will administered in each country by the embassies of the signatory nations. Scholarships will be made available to deserving young citizens of the host countries to pay full tuition, room and board at a university in embassies’ home country.

Article 8: Conflict Resolution Mechanism

1. If two signatories are unable to resolve a conflict about foreign policy or another matter of major importance to relations between them in the consultations between their governments, then the conflict shall go before a Conflict Resolution Council.

2. The Conflict Resolution Council will consists of a rotation of three nations at any given time, in three separate staggered rotations, so as to ensure that no subgroup within the signatories have more than one sitting council member. The proposed rotations are Excalbia, Pantocratoria and (if it becomes independent) Saxmere as rotation one, the Confederation and Knootoss as rotation two, and the Resurgent Dream and Upper Virginia as rotation three.

3. When a conflict goes before the CRC, if either of the signatories involved is a presently sitting member of their CRC, they shall be excused from service and the next nation in their rotation take their seat. Both involved signatories shall make one, written statement of their arguments and positions to the CRC, which shall meet and discuss the issue. The CRC shall decide which of the arguments it has accepted, or shall propose an alternative settlement. This decided upon resolution to the conflict represents the will of the North Atlantic treaty.

4. If after a period deemed reasonable by the CRC either or both parties remain in violation of the conflict resolution decided upon by the CRC, then all signatory nations shall be free to impose trade sanctions on any signatory which remains in breach. No signatory nations shall be compelled by the CRC to take such action, but they shall no longer be bound by treaty against doing so.

Article 9: Trade Agreement

1. Trade Sanctions / Boycotts

a. Signatories will be forbidden from placing trade sanctions or boycotts on other signatories except as allowed by the CRC following the process described in Article 8.

b. The import and export of basic foodstuffs (not including processed foodstuffs or any good which may be classified as both a foodstuff and some other sort of good) shall never be the subject of a trade sanction or boycott placed on one signatory by another in the event of sanctions being allowed under section 1, subsection a by the CRC.

c. The import and export of vital medicines (not including medicines which may also be classified as recreational drugs or narcotics) shall never be the subject of a trade sanction or boycott placed on one signatory by another in the event of sanctions being allowed under section 1 by the CRC.

d. Blockading of one signatory by another is contrary to the spirit of article 1, and shall not be allowed by the CRC.

2. Trade amongst signatories

a. All signatories agree to participate in trade with each other (except in the case of sanctions or boycotts authorised by the CRC as per section 1, subsection a).

b. There shall be two tiers of trade between signatories within the North Atlantic signatories. Signatories shall sign this treaty as either free trade signatories or special trade relationship signatories:

i. Free trade signatories commit to a multilateral free trade agreement with all other free trade signatories. The exact terms of the multilateral free trade agreement will be determined by the free trade signatories at a subsequent economic summit.

ii. Special trade relationship signatories undertake, in general terms, to investigate the possibility of gradually reducing tariffs on imports from other signatory nations.

c. Signatories shall be allowed to move between tiers at their prerogative should they so desire.

OOC: So that's it then? Presuming Appendix A is legit.

OOC: Article 2, section 1 doesn't mention the Resurgent Dream, and there is a space between article 8, section 2.

After the delegates had taken their places, President Harrison entered, followed by Foreign Secretary Yultilde and Commerce Secretary Marcus Poole. The Dominion President wore a smart red suit and a broad smile. She took her seat and picked up her copy of the agreement. “Well, I see President Caine and Lady Jessica have succeeded in their attempt to frame a compromise agreement…”

“Most of the credit goes to our colleagues,” Lady Jessica said sincerely. “Much of our text came from Dr. Waerdt, Prime Minister Daatman and Dr. Drapeur; President Caine and I merely pulled it together.”

With uncharacteristic modesty Caine nodded in agreement with the Excalbian Chancellor.

“Well,” Becka Harrison said, “all of you are to be commended. Now, I assume there is a motion for a vote on the proposed agreement?”

“Indeed, there is,” Caine said with a bright smile.

“And a second, Madam President,” Lady Jessica said.

“Very good. Is there any further discussion before taking the vote?” President Harrison looked around the room.

(OOC: I’ve made the two corrections noted by Panto. If anyone has additional IC comments on the agreement, please speak up. Otherwise, post your votes. Assuming the agreement passes, we’ll go ahead with the signing and I’ll post – finally – the results of the Saxmere referenda.)

OOC: Vote for.

OOC: Pantocratoria votes for.

Courtland, Dominion of Upper Virginia

President Becka Harrison smiled broadly as the final vote was registered. “Congratulations, your excellencies,” she said. “The agreement has been passed. The North Atlantic Treaty will stand as a shining example of the peaceful resolution of disputes...”

Applause echoed through the hall. Lady Jessica Tagaarth stood and turned to the other delegates. “In recognition of our hosts, I propose that this agreement be known as the Treaty of Courtland…”

“Seconded,” said President Tom Caine, taking to his feet.

* * *

St. Xavier’s Parish Hall, Cambera, Sovereign State of Saxmere, Two Weeks Later

“…TV One News is now prepared to project that the motion for Saxmerean independence will be defeated by a narrow margin of 47 to 53 percent.”

A cheer erupted in the crowded parish hall. Paul Mardan, a balding man well into his middle ages stood and gestured for quiet. The hall, filled with supporters of Mardan’s anti-secessionist movement, fell silent. With just a hint of a smile, Mardan turned back to the TV image being projected on a movie screen.

“Earlier this evening we projected that the motion for autonomy within the Confederation, conditional on the rejection of independence, would pass by a wide margin. With over 90 percent of the polling districts now reporting, we now project that the motion for autonomy will pass with 82 percent of the vote…”

Cheers erupted again. Mardan stood and smiled. He motioned again for quiet. “Friends,” Mardan began, shouting slightly to be heard amidst the crowd, “tonight the people of Saxmere – our friends and neighbors – accepted out advice: that we remain in the Confederation in order to oppose the Handies from the inside. Make no mistake: our struggle against the Handies and their puppets in Jefferson has just begun. We will need to fight every day to keep our faith, our social order and our heritage safe from those who would sacrifice it on an altar of greed. But tonight, let us celebrate that our homeland has chosen to join us in our fight and not to run.”

The hall filled with chants of “Mardan! Mardan! Mardan!” as placards proclaiming Mardan a candidate for the new parliament began to appear among his supporters.

The Governor’s Palace, Umbra, Capital of the Sovereign State of Saxmere

Lieutenant Governor Douglas Aldaris starred blankly at the shifting graphs on the TV screen. It was over. The dream of independence had been throttled in its crib by people too confused to recognize their own salvation.

“Don’t be so glum, Douglas,” Governor Sean Peller offered a weak smile of reassurance. “Independence may have been defeated but we have autonomy and we may yet have a grand duke…”

Aldaris shook his head. “Pale imitations of independence, Governor.”

Peller took a deep breath. “In any case the people have spoken…”

“Yes,” Aldaris said, “and they have chosen your position…”

“Mine? I never took a personal stand…”

“Yes, but we all knew you were never enthusiastic about independence.”

Peller nodded. “Maybe so, Douglas. But I was prepared to accept the will of the people regardless of its direction…”

“As will I,” Aldaris said with a sigh. “That is why I will offer my immediate resignation…”

“There is no need for that. If the people approve reestablishing the grand ducal throne there will have to be a new constitution and new elections in any case. Why step down now?”

“To start work on a new party. I can do that better out of office.” Aldaris gave a thin smile. “Especially an office that is about to go into extinction, Governor. Or should I start calling you prime minister?”

Parliament House, Umbra

Representative Jacqueline Sanders shook her head slowly. “How could we have lost?”

“I don’t know, Jacki. Has there been any sign of fraud?” Colin Hannigan, President of Confederation of Trade Unions looked hopefully around the room.

“No. None,” a tall dark-hared parliamentarian said sadly. “None at all.”

“Shh,” Marty Trundlemann, Chairman of Saxmereans for Christian Social Concern, waved his hand and leaned toward the TV in the corner of the room. “They have a projection on the final question.”

A nervous silence fell over the cloakroom.

“…and TV Three News is finally prepared to project the outcome of the third and final question in this historic referendum. Now, with over 97 percent of the precincts reporting, we project that the people have voted by a margin of 58 to 42 percent to reinstate the Grand Duke. Exactly how a grand ducal government will function as an autonomous part of the republican Confederation will be determined by a constitutional convention set to take place in the next few weeks…”

Saxmerean Embassy, New Rome, Pantocratoria

James Kennan, Baron Cambera, leaned back in his chair beside the fireplace. He gave a sigh and turned off the TV with a flick of his finger, tossing the remote control onto an empty chair in a gesture of frustration.

“Your Highness,” Sir Alec Nugent, the baron’s ambassador to Pantocratoria, leaned forward in his own chair, “are alright?”

“Of course not, Sir Alec. My people have rejected me…”

“They have not, your Highness; they have just voted to reinstate the grand ducal throne.” Sir Alec stood and took a step towards the baron. “Why, I suspect you will be crowned Grand Duke within a month…”

“But how can I be Grand Duke of a territory that is still part of a republic…”

“It will be an… unusual arrangement to be sure, your Highness. But you will be the Grand Duke, nonetheless…”

James shook his head. “It might be best if I stepped aside; renounced the throne…”

“Your Highness!” Sir Alec folded his arms and looked down reproachfully at his young sovereign. “After all your people have risked, you cannot walk away from your responsibility. The blood of the royal line flows through your veins; it is your responsibility to make this work. For the sake of your people…”

James nodded. “Thank you, Sir Alec…”

Cesis, Capital of the Sovereign State of Trondgard

Luke Powers, High Priest of the Church of Dana, sipped at his coffee and watched the breathless election updates on TV. With the church growing far faster in Trondgard than New Virginia, Luke had decided a week ago to move to Cesis and establish the mother church there. Elza Uzija and Janice Grant, two early converts and two of the first missionaries to Cesis, had returned to Jefferson to take charge of the church there.

Thomas Quick, owner of the former print shop that now served as the church’s office and Luke’s residence, looked over at the high priest. “What do you think?”

“About the referendum?” Luke shook his head. “I’m just glad it ended peacefully.” He looked over at Araceli Kasel, the missionary from the Danaan High Kingdom that had first helped convert him. “Right Araceli? Now, perhaps, that the danger of civil war has passed, we may find people more open to our message…”

Umbra Daily Sentinel

Grand Duke Restored
Autonomous Grand Duchy of Saxmere Proclaimed Following Referenda
Independence Rejected By Narrow Margin

The people of Saxmere sent a decidedly mixed message last night. They delivered a stinging – and surprising – rebuke to the pro-independence leaders of the state government in Umbra, rejecting independence by a margin of 53.3 to 46.7 percent. At the same time, however, they delivered an even stronger – though hardly unexpected – rebuke to Confederation President Thomas Caine by voting overwhelming for autonomy.

By a margin of 82.5 to 17.5 percent, the people of Saxmere voted to dramatically alter the constitutional relationship between Saxmere and the Confederation government in Jefferson. The vote will make Saxmere something less sovereign than an independent nation but more sovereign than a Sovereign State of the Confederation.

While the details of the new constitutional arrangement remain to be determined, the most difficult detail to work out is well-known. Amidst the split decision of last night’s vote, clearly the most contentious aspect of the vote will be the public’s decision, by a margin of 57.9 to 42.1 percent, to restore the grand ducal throne. Although the mechanics of making a constitutional monarchy work as an autonomous province of a federal republic are still unknown, the identity of new grand duke is well known. James David Patrick Kennan, the Baron of Cambera who is currently in exile in the court of Christ Pantocrator in New Rome, Pantocratoria, is scheduled to be crowned Grand Duke by the end of the month.
(cont’d p. A5)

Araceli gave a tentative nod. The young woman had lost a lot of her previously boundless optimism since the Shattering. With the Church no longer dominant in its historic homeland, how much hope could it have here? Still, she forced a smile. "I certainly hope so. It's been a rought couple of months."

Luke stood and walked over to Araceli. He laid a friendly hand on her shoulder. “I know it has been rough. Especially with all that has happened back in the Resurgent Dream. But don’t loose faith; our faith is our strength. This land needs us. And in time, it will embrace our message.”

Luke smiled and picked up the remote and turned off the TV.

The End. For Now.

(Thanks to all who took part in this and earlier, related threads. New related threads will debut shortly…)

A new thread following this one is here:http://forums2.jolt.co.uk/showthread.php?p=10617888#post10617888