Popular Ethiopia
21-07-2004, 16:05
The parliamentary elections are entering their final stage of campaigning in Popular Ethiopia. As per the new constitution, the elections will be fought n the basis of proportional representation to the Ethiopian unicameral parliament, the People's Assembly. The delegates to the People's Assembly will then elect a Council of Ministers, led by a President of the Council, by simple majority and a Speaker of the Assembly by cross-party consensus (the Speaker need not be a delegate, but all Ministers must). However, the power will not be entirely vested in the Assembly and the Council, since the Chairman of the Commonwealth (currently Colonel Matambo, confirmed by referendum for life or until impeached and removed by a very difficult process which would require quasi-total consensus throughout the country) is tasked by the Constitution with "taking all measures necessary to maintain the survival and values of the Revolution" has an absolute veto over anything of importance. The two parties who came out of the scission of the original Revolutionary League and Ethiopian Armed Forces Movement, the Fraternal Party and the Federated Syndicalist Party, currently are well ahead of all others in the polls. As voting is compulsory, the over sixty millions of Ethiopians (out of a total population of roughly a hundred million) who are of voting age and not convicted of a serious crime will express their votes in six weeks' time.
The Parties:
The Fraternal Party (FP): the FP has the twin advantages of being backed by both the Chairman of the Commonwealth and the regular armed forces. It's platform is based on state-owned industry, but completed by independent co-operatives, with farming being left to smallholders' co-ops, widespread economic reforms aiming at social equality, and a long-term strategy of economic development giving the leading roles to education and self-sufficiency. In the political arena, the FP supports continued democratic reforms but a dual role (i.e. both military and political) for the army in order to preserve the revolution. The interim government is nearly entirely composed of FP political heavyweights, and the huge success of reforms that have eradicated famine and more than doubled the average family's income is excepted to work in their favour, although the reforms benefited the cities more than the countryside; however, the recent water usage ordnances, which arbitrate water disputes to the advantage of agriculture, are hugely popular in rural areas.
The Federated Syndicalist Party (FSP):
The FSP's platform bears a good many similarities with the FP's, but it also bears the hallmark of strong anarchist influence. The FSP stands for much less centralisation, with the economy nearly entirely handled by worker co-operatives with government co-ordination and assistance, more independence for local governments, and the abolition of the office of the Chairman of the Commonwealth. They also oppose the FP's military policies and wish for the abolition of a standing army; and if the regular armed forces can be regarded as an FP bastion, then the Worker's Militia is an FSP bastion. Although at first the FSP, which lags behind the FP in the polls, had concentrated it's campaigning only against the right-wing parties, as it became clear the revolutionary left would hold the reigns of the Council of Ministers the FSP has turned to criticizing the FP, notably pointing out the militarist streaks of many FP leaders. This strategy has apparently been paying off as the FP’s lead has been steadily shrinking over the last few weeks.
The Marxist-Leninist Worker’s Communist Party of Popular Ethiopia (MLCP):
The MLCP is in many ways classically Stalinist. Its rhetoric is similar to that of the FP and the FSP, and its main ideological difference appears to be the version of the dictatorship of the proletariat that it advocates: a single-party state, with Gulag-style labour camps for dissidents, and a ‘command economy’ centred on industry. However, close analysis will reveal that many MLCP leaders are not very eager to move beyond the dictatorship of the proletariat or to tolerate any evolution of society at all. The MLCP has only minimal support, due to its association in many people’s minds with the “Red Negus” Menghistu Haile Mariam.
The Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP):
The LDP is composed of LP members who only seceded recently, because of objections to the authoritarian trend of their former party. The LDP also supports extreme liberalism, but wishes for a parliamentary democracy, and of course the abolition of the Chairman of the Commonwealth, an office which they object to not only because it is antidemocratic but also because it is an objective obstacle to a return to capitalism. During their latest rally, the LDP distanced themselves further from the LP by accepting the idea of moderate social legislation as a “democratic necessity”. The LDP has very little support or notoriety, but has been steadily attracting prospective voters, essentially at the LP’s expense.
The Liberal Party (LP):
The LP is the largest capitalist party in Popular Ethiopia. Its program centres on the return to an unfettered free market; the LP is fanatically opposed to government intervention of any kind, even basic workplace legislation or public social security, healthcare, or pensions. While the LP has not promoted a clear platform on political organisation, it is fairly obvious that it is permeated by authoritarian ideas, despite calls for “reforms”-notably the removal of the Chairman of the Commonwealth. The LP benefits from considerable support, and the backing of exiled supporters of the former government, but is far behind the revolutionary parties.
The Ethiopian National Power Party (ENPP):
The ENPP supports a thinly veiled fascist agenda. Although they avoid the term “fascist”, because it is still associated with the Italian invasion in the Thirties, they do not object to being likened to national-socialism, which comes down to the same thing. They are rabidly anti-communist and counter-revolutionary, socially reactionary, ultra-militarist, ultra-nationalist (they see Amhars as being the pinnacle of the human race, other Ethiopians as being not to far behind, and everyone else as a waste of space) and do not hide that they want an end to anything even vaguely resembling democracy, which they intend to replace by “strong guidance” which will “deal harshly with those who are an obstacle to Ethiopia’s greatness”. In the domain of economics the ENPP claim to be all for anti-capitalism and workers’ rights, although their commitment to both is doubtful at best; it is more likely to be demagogy than anything else. The ENPP has a moderate quantity of support, essentially from Amharic populations.
The Christian Republican Party (CRP):
The CRP draws its support from the country’s large Christian minority. It supports moderate capitalist reforms, and promotes a Christian fundamentalist and anti-Islamic agenda. The CRP advocates a strict ban on abortion and contraception in all its forms, the outlawing of divorce, laws based upon the Bible, the Ten Commandments, and Church policy. The CRP wants “ungodly and infidel” beliefs, by which they mean Islam, atheism, and communism, to be made illegal, places of worship belonging to “anti-Christian” religions shut down, and Christianity to become the official State religion, with an official role for the Church in public life. In politics, the CRP wants some degree of democracy, moderated by almost theocratic power-in many ways a system similar to the Iranian model, with Christianity replacing Islam.
The CRP has significant support in the more profoundly Christian areas, especially in the Northeast, but is very weak in regions where Islam or more traditional animist beliefs hold sway, or where several religions coexist without any being dominant; the CRP is virtually nonexistent in Addis-Abbeba where, in addition to religions being mixed, much of the population is atheist or agnostic.
Submission to Allah (SA):
SA is the local Islamic fundamentalist party, initially founded as a reaction to the CRP. SA stands for Shariah, or Islamic law, and a political system similar to that of Iran, with Islam as the State religion. It has only moderate support.
The Parties:
The Fraternal Party (FP): the FP has the twin advantages of being backed by both the Chairman of the Commonwealth and the regular armed forces. It's platform is based on state-owned industry, but completed by independent co-operatives, with farming being left to smallholders' co-ops, widespread economic reforms aiming at social equality, and a long-term strategy of economic development giving the leading roles to education and self-sufficiency. In the political arena, the FP supports continued democratic reforms but a dual role (i.e. both military and political) for the army in order to preserve the revolution. The interim government is nearly entirely composed of FP political heavyweights, and the huge success of reforms that have eradicated famine and more than doubled the average family's income is excepted to work in their favour, although the reforms benefited the cities more than the countryside; however, the recent water usage ordnances, which arbitrate water disputes to the advantage of agriculture, are hugely popular in rural areas.
The Federated Syndicalist Party (FSP):
The FSP's platform bears a good many similarities with the FP's, but it also bears the hallmark of strong anarchist influence. The FSP stands for much less centralisation, with the economy nearly entirely handled by worker co-operatives with government co-ordination and assistance, more independence for local governments, and the abolition of the office of the Chairman of the Commonwealth. They also oppose the FP's military policies and wish for the abolition of a standing army; and if the regular armed forces can be regarded as an FP bastion, then the Worker's Militia is an FSP bastion. Although at first the FSP, which lags behind the FP in the polls, had concentrated it's campaigning only against the right-wing parties, as it became clear the revolutionary left would hold the reigns of the Council of Ministers the FSP has turned to criticizing the FP, notably pointing out the militarist streaks of many FP leaders. This strategy has apparently been paying off as the FP’s lead has been steadily shrinking over the last few weeks.
The Marxist-Leninist Worker’s Communist Party of Popular Ethiopia (MLCP):
The MLCP is in many ways classically Stalinist. Its rhetoric is similar to that of the FP and the FSP, and its main ideological difference appears to be the version of the dictatorship of the proletariat that it advocates: a single-party state, with Gulag-style labour camps for dissidents, and a ‘command economy’ centred on industry. However, close analysis will reveal that many MLCP leaders are not very eager to move beyond the dictatorship of the proletariat or to tolerate any evolution of society at all. The MLCP has only minimal support, due to its association in many people’s minds with the “Red Negus” Menghistu Haile Mariam.
The Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP):
The LDP is composed of LP members who only seceded recently, because of objections to the authoritarian trend of their former party. The LDP also supports extreme liberalism, but wishes for a parliamentary democracy, and of course the abolition of the Chairman of the Commonwealth, an office which they object to not only because it is antidemocratic but also because it is an objective obstacle to a return to capitalism. During their latest rally, the LDP distanced themselves further from the LP by accepting the idea of moderate social legislation as a “democratic necessity”. The LDP has very little support or notoriety, but has been steadily attracting prospective voters, essentially at the LP’s expense.
The Liberal Party (LP):
The LP is the largest capitalist party in Popular Ethiopia. Its program centres on the return to an unfettered free market; the LP is fanatically opposed to government intervention of any kind, even basic workplace legislation or public social security, healthcare, or pensions. While the LP has not promoted a clear platform on political organisation, it is fairly obvious that it is permeated by authoritarian ideas, despite calls for “reforms”-notably the removal of the Chairman of the Commonwealth. The LP benefits from considerable support, and the backing of exiled supporters of the former government, but is far behind the revolutionary parties.
The Ethiopian National Power Party (ENPP):
The ENPP supports a thinly veiled fascist agenda. Although they avoid the term “fascist”, because it is still associated with the Italian invasion in the Thirties, they do not object to being likened to national-socialism, which comes down to the same thing. They are rabidly anti-communist and counter-revolutionary, socially reactionary, ultra-militarist, ultra-nationalist (they see Amhars as being the pinnacle of the human race, other Ethiopians as being not to far behind, and everyone else as a waste of space) and do not hide that they want an end to anything even vaguely resembling democracy, which they intend to replace by “strong guidance” which will “deal harshly with those who are an obstacle to Ethiopia’s greatness”. In the domain of economics the ENPP claim to be all for anti-capitalism and workers’ rights, although their commitment to both is doubtful at best; it is more likely to be demagogy than anything else. The ENPP has a moderate quantity of support, essentially from Amharic populations.
The Christian Republican Party (CRP):
The CRP draws its support from the country’s large Christian minority. It supports moderate capitalist reforms, and promotes a Christian fundamentalist and anti-Islamic agenda. The CRP advocates a strict ban on abortion and contraception in all its forms, the outlawing of divorce, laws based upon the Bible, the Ten Commandments, and Church policy. The CRP wants “ungodly and infidel” beliefs, by which they mean Islam, atheism, and communism, to be made illegal, places of worship belonging to “anti-Christian” religions shut down, and Christianity to become the official State religion, with an official role for the Church in public life. In politics, the CRP wants some degree of democracy, moderated by almost theocratic power-in many ways a system similar to the Iranian model, with Christianity replacing Islam.
The CRP has significant support in the more profoundly Christian areas, especially in the Northeast, but is very weak in regions where Islam or more traditional animist beliefs hold sway, or where several religions coexist without any being dominant; the CRP is virtually nonexistent in Addis-Abbeba where, in addition to religions being mixed, much of the population is atheist or agnostic.
Submission to Allah (SA):
SA is the local Islamic fundamentalist party, initially founded as a reaction to the CRP. SA stands for Shariah, or Islamic law, and a political system similar to that of Iran, with Islam as the State religion. It has only moderate support.